Since the Meiji era, mergers of cities, towns and villages in Japan (市町村煤, shichōson gappei) have become a common phenomenon. Central to this process is the merging of small towns and natural settlements into larger cities that provide more efficient access to public facilities and educational resources. However, as time goes by, the disappearance of these small cities and towns has gradually become one of the most pressing issues in society. Why are these small towns disappearing one after another, and what unknown stories are hidden behind them?
The merger of cities, towns and villages in Japan went through several stages. The first wave, known as the "Great Merger of Meiji," occurred between 1888 and 1889, during which the modern system of cities, towns and villages was established. During this wave of mergers, the number of natural settlements then in existence fell from 71,314 to 15,859 municipalities. With the establishment of the new regime, the merger was not only based on considerations of scale, but also to improve the effectiveness of self-governance.
Mergers have reduced the number of cities, towns and villages and improved the governance capacity of the relevant autonomous institutions.
The subsequent second wave of "Showa's Great Mergers" took place from 1953 to 1956, further reducing the number of towns and villages by more than half. The main reason behind the reduction from 9,868 to 3,472 was to establish a treasury subsidy system. Such mergers not only expanded the size of cities, but also caused many villages to disappear.
As Japan's birth rate declined and its fiscal situation deteriorated in the late 20th century, the central government began to promote merger reforms of cities, towns and villages. In early 2006, many cities, towns and villages had a population of less than 200 people. This phenomenon has forced local governments to seek mergers with other cities, towns and villages in the hope of expanding their scope of operations while improving the effectiveness and accessibility of public facilities.
Local governments need skilled staff, and 40% of Japan's GDP comes from local government debt.
Based on the 1999 amendments to the Comprehensive Decentralization Law and the Special Law on Municipal Mergers, the central government provides strong financial incentives for municipal mergers. Although mergers are not mandatory, the central government has set a target of reducing the number of municipalities to 1,000 and is using financial incentives to promote mergers.
The post-merger fiscal incentive system allows municipalities to maintain previous subsidy amounts, making mergers attractive.
When choosing to merge, local governments use local referendums or questionnaires to gauge public opinion. From 1999 to 2006, 352 local referendums were held, which ultimately led to a large number of mergers. In addition, merger modes are divided into absorption mergers and new organization mergers, each of which reflects different situational needs and local characteristics.
However, many mergers have not brought about the expected effects, but have also been accompanied by a lot of criticism. Mergers often make it impossible for local government to operate efficiently, and the number of legislative activities and proposed regulations has declined significantly. Many people question whether such a merger can really bring better governance and efficiency to the local area?
The merged cities experienced a great deal of misunderstanding regarding place brand competition and shared identity.
Currently, as small cities, towns and villages continue to disappear, local culture and characteristics are gradually disappearing. Are mergers causing Japan's local governance to lose more and more regional characteristics? How will local autonomy and mergers develop in the future? These questions deserve deep thought from each of us.
Is consolidation the only solution to local problems?