Abusive Endings: Separation and Divorce Violence against Women

Abstract

While we continue to witness progress in women’s participation in the economy, in the polity, and in science, we also continue to count the number of women killed, injured, and abused by their partners and former partners every day. Sometimes, the perpetrator is not even a partner or former partner but someone who ‘‘wanted’’ them, someone they rejected. No one knows how many women are killed or injured because of their gender or because of their involvement in unhealthy intimate relationships. Unfortunately, evidence from police reports often fails to specify the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator or the motive behind the violence (Catalano 2012). Data on non-lethal violence (physical and emotional abuse) tend to be even less reliable, as much of the abuse that goes on every day in intimate relationships is not reported to the police (Buzawa and Buzawa 2003). As Walter DeKeseredy, Molly Dragiewicz, and Martin Schwartz point out in Abusive Endings: Separation and Divorce Violence against Women, patriarchy still lives, in spite of women’s accomplishments. Patriarchy is a system of beliefs and cultural norms that entraps women and men alike. The belief that women are men’s property and their place is in the home is still dominant in our society. Patriarchal values where masculinity is tested on a daily basis affect women as much as men (Raphael 2000). For instance, young men’s experience with hazing is the result of the same social norms that lead to violence against women, norms that emphasize the relevance of manhood and bravery (Keith 2017). Manifestations of toxic masculinity, such as excessive drinking, hunting, and use of pornography are all highly correlated with violence against women. Social norms that perpetuate men’s breadwinning responsibilities in the family tend to be particularly dangerous in a society where meaningful and stable employment becomes increasingly difficult, especially for those living at the margins in disorganized urban communities and in rural areas. Within a patriarchal social system, wife beating, abuse, and rape are all remedies for men’s damaged egos. The book is a well-written and wellorganized review of extant studies on violence against women. Estimates discussed in the book come from some of the most comprehensive studies conducted in the United States, Canada, and Australia in recent years. The authors also mention studies conducted in the UK, Italy, and other European countries, providing evidence that violence against women can be compared across social systems. Data included in the narrative come from both qualitative and quantitative studies, making the analysis of research findings inclusive and articulate. Drawing on a feminist theoretical framework, the authors primarily focus on violence against women during separation and divorce. The term ‘‘violence against women’’ is chosen to emphasize the gender disparity within the issue of partner violence, as the victims of partner violence are most often women. The authors acknowledge that the way we look at social phenomena often depends on the theoretical lens we employ. However, denying that violence among intimates is ‘‘gendered’’ might mean neglecting the evidence from empirical studies that is consistent across societies and cultures. The core principle guiding the narrative of this book is that separation and divorce are relevant risk factors to take into consideration in the analysis of violence against women. As the authors point out, between 50 and 70 percent of partner lethal violence cases in the United States, Canada, and Australia are associated with separation and divorce. Separated women are six times more likely to end up being killed by their partners. When separation is pending, the risk tends to be even higher. Women leaving longterm relationships are also more likely to be victimized, perhaps a consequence of men’s emotional investment in long-term relationships. Citing evidence from the Ontario 50 Reviews