Archive | 2021
Ethnic Identity and Educational Outcomes in African American College Students
Abstract
The present study examines social support among African American university students attending a PWI (Primarily White Institution) in transition from a PWI to an MSI (Minority Serving Institution). While college students are vulnerable to psychological distress (PD), African American students face increased risk of PD due to their marginalized status. Evidence suggests that ethnic identity can serve as both a protective and risk factor for PD, potentially increasing resolve in the face of adversity, or conversely leading to hypervigilance. The present study examines PSS (Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support) on Academic Performance. Participants (N = 225) include African American university students recruited as part of a larger study of identity and health behaviors. Initial results indicated that PSS negatively relates to PD, while EI was not significantly related. Implications of results for a University experiencing an increase in ethnic diversity are discussed. Bitensky (1991) describes education as an essential element of freedom and the preserver of democracy. He elaborates that without proper education of the people, the nation would suffer economically and politically. However, what if educational opportunities are disproportionately allocated to certain groups? For African Americans, the harmful impacts of withholding educational opportunities still persist (Pitre, 2014). The disparity in academic achievement can be seen in graduation rates, grade point average (GPA), and scores on standardized test. The National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) reported underperformance from African American students as early as the 4th grade (Vanneman et al., 2009). During some eras of United States history, education facilitated and increased educational disparities, especially by serving as a tool to force marginalized cultures to assimilate into the “dominant” white culture (Blau, 2004). For example, the Carlisle Indian Industrial School was developed to teach the indigenous population to assimilate and be productive in white society, while discounting the indigenous culture as backward and savage (Loring, 2009). Discussing her own schooling, Loring observed that her teachers often perceived progress as assimilation into the socially dominant culture. Students of Color, like Loring, were, for the most part, ignored. Loring infers that the omission of Native American culture has contributed to the sense of low self-esteem, lack of peer respect, lower high school graduation rates, and lower college retention rates among the Indigenous population. Even in schools where the Native American populations were the majority, students who possess this marginalized identity still demonstrated increased psychological distress and feelings of exclusion (Loring, 2009). Similar to the Native American experience, African Americans have faced prejudice, discrimination, and racism in the education system. The pervasiveness of racism has severely reduced African American students’ academic opportunities and outcomes. For instance, until the late 20th century, individuals with African ancestry were blocked from equal access to education through state and federal laws (Jordan, 2014; Kluger, 2011). Plessy v Ferguson (1896) ensured that schools could maintain separate educational institutions for White people and People of Color (POC). Afterward, Brown v. Board of Education (1954), which overturned the “separate but equal” precedent set by Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), would be considered a landmark case for equality in education (Tushnet, 1994). Guinier (2004) describes the Brown court ruling as a golden standard, such that discrimination based upon race was deemed unconstitutional. However, with the passage of time, new Supreme Court justices, and the adoption of colorblind rhetoric, the oncepowerful call for social equality was mitigated into an alibi not to act (Guinier, 2004). Despite the laws in place to counter systematic prejudice and discrimination, educational opportunities remain unequal (Pitre, 2014). Perhaps the Brown case could not account for the implicit biases held by educators and educational institutions. These biases manifest in the classroom, affect disparities, and sponsor differential treatment among marginalized ethnic groups (Ferguson, 2003). Thus, African American students are often overrepresented in remedial and vocation courses (Boykin & Noguera, 2011). Conversely, these students are underrepresented in honors courses and college-prep courses (Darling Hammond, 2010). Ferguson (2003) finds that even with equivalent educational backgrounds, Black children typically demonstrate decreased performance and a significant test-gap difference to their white counterparts. Environmental factors such as teachers’ perceptions and expectations of students, which can be biased by racial generalizations, have a significant role in in the score disparities (American Psychological Association [APA], 2012). The APA (2012) defines educational disparities as unjust and unfair differences in education. For White and Black students this disparity exists across language, reading, and math. Similarly, Weinstein, Gregory, & Strambler (2004) found that biased teacher expectations can harm a student’s academic performance, particularly for students with a marginalized identity. DeCuir & Dixson (2004) used anecdotal evidence and critical race theory (CRT) to analyze the experiences of two African American students --Barbra and Malcolm -attending a primarily white high school. DeCuir & Dixson (2004) describe the school, Wells Academy, as an affluent educational setting that celebrates diversity. Students attending this school often come from money, but there are students from less affluent areas that attend the school. Barbra and Malcom come from upper middle class and middle-class families, respectively. Despite the presence of a diversity coordinator and attempts to celebrate diversity, the students still felt culturally isolated, physically isolated, and “uncelebrated.” Malcolm, who is on the discipline committee, was overruled by his principal when Malcolm’s committee decided to expel a student for threats and hate speech. Instead, the student received a month suspension and was welcomed back to school. DeCuir & Dixson (2004) use a critical race perspective to question what climate would allow an individual to feel comfortable with making racially charged comments. DeCuir & Dixson argue that race is salient in the classroom and that racism has become normalized and even expected within the cultural climate of Wells Academy. The racism Barbra and Malcolm continuously battled was not overt or rare. Rather it was common and covert in both practices and policies. Microaggressions—defined by Pierce et al. (1977) and Sue (2010) as backhanded comments, often disguised as compliments, that refer to a person’s marginalized status—are a “newer” form of racism that can negatively affect a students’ educational outcomes, social standing, emotional experiences, and career preparation (Hollingsworth, Patton, Allen, & Johnson, 2018). These microaggressions represent a type of racism common to everyday experiences of African American students (Sue, 2010). Alternative Educational Institutions African Americans have continuously fought for equity in academia (Albritton, 2012). In fact, historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) were formed in the interest of making educational equivalence for Africans Americans (Albritton, 2012). Although HBCUs continue to provide justice, equality, and social mobility for African Americans pursuing education (Albritton, 2012), the longstanding inequality in education continues to be reflected in performance gaps between ethnic groups. For instance, historically marginalized group members within education systems (excluding some Asian American populations) who attend Predominately White Institutions (PWIs) are: less likely to graduate college in five years; have lower grade point averages; higher dropout rates; and lower entrance rates into graduate programs compared to White students (Aud et al., 2010; Hollins, King & Hayman, 1994; Jencks & Phillips, 1998; King, 2005; National Assessment of Educational Progress [NAEP], 2011; National Center for Educational Statistics [NCES], 2010). African American students attending HBCUs often demonstrate superior academic outcomes compared to their counterparts in PWIs (Smedley, Myers, & Harrell, 1993). This finding is consistent with research conducted by Flowers (2002) and Outcalt & Skewes-Cox (2002), which demonstrated that HBCUs have a significant contribution to successful academic outcomes for African American students. Although in the present study we are not directly comparing PWIs to HBCUs, it is important to consider the historical legacy of the institutions and the implications for everyday experiences of their students. As campuses increase in racial diversity, the need for inclusivity of Students of Color becomes increasingly important. PWIs and HBCUs represent opposite ends of the spectrum with the former being historically exclusive towards African American students and the latter being historically inclusive of African American students. Harper and Hurtado (2007) found that African American students often feel excluded at PWIs. Other work indicates that perceived social support, which is defined as a perceived resource of the individual applied by confiding in associates, social domains, and the community (Lin, Dean, & Ensel ,1986 ; Jay & D Augelli, 1991), plays an important role in academic achievement (Baldwin, Chambliss, & Towler, 2003; Skowron, Wester, & Azen, 2004). In general, students’ educational experiences can be moderated by feelings of inclusivity, environmental factors, and affirmation towards the institution (Brandon, 2014). Additionally, high expectations on students from instructors can have a positive impact on the