Narrative of Governance Crisis in Nigeria : Allegories of Resource Curse and ‘ Emergence ’ from Tunde Kelani ’ s Saworoide and Agogo-Èèw ọ

Abstract

From the resource curse perspective, this article investigated how Tunde Kelani’s twinmovies, Saworoide and Agogo-Èèwo, explored the vulnerability of leaders in natural-resource dependent state to corrupt practices, leading ultimately to governance crisis. Textual and mythical representations in the movies are critically utilised to explain the importance of tackling governance crises through leadership-making process. Significantly, the article explored the historical revisionism contained in the films as a predictive imagination of how the future (political-economy) will remain bleak in the face of unsustainable mishandling of the past and present resources in Nigeria. Focusing on the socio-economic and political malaise that have continued to play out since the discovery of crude oil at Oloibiri community in Nigeria by mid-1950s, the article sought to unravel what Tunde Kelani’s allegorical postulations in Saworoide and Agogo-Èèwo reveal about leadership experiences of states depending solely on natural resources income. It explained how the absence of shared goal and dearth of mass mobilization strategies, which were successfully deployed in the films for denouncing despotism and yokes of elitism are lacking in the present-day Nigeria. The insulations from irresponsible public administration that is rigidly built into the leadership-making process in Saworoide and Agogo-Èèwo are meant to showcase the futility of post-office accountability and consequences of wrong choices emanating from gamed electoral system of the modern liberal democracies. In doing so, the study showed how the conjoined films are a distinguished art that figuratively lends itself to explanations of leadership challenges arising from natural resource endowments. Introduction As colonialism lost its lusters, like an abandoned infant, and African states sprouted in quick succession, the language of engagement for and simple-mindedness in the politicisation of African art dominated literary discourses, among others (Wästberg, 1968). Thus, in the wake of the Africa’s momentous 1960’s, some of Africa’s bright minds, Obiajunwa Wali, Chinua Achebe, and Wole Soyinka, respectively published The dead end of African literature (1962), English and the African writer (1965), The writer in an African State (1967) in the Transition magazine, a profound intellectual debate forum founded in Kampala, Uganda in 1959 (Transition, 1997). The quintessential writers, soon to distinguish themselves as masters of the rolls in African fiction and reality genre, severally and jointly lamented the dearth of African (political) identity in most works of art emanating in the then Africa. To resay the war of words, especially the polemical exchanges between Wali and Achebe, on whether or not a work of art written in English is an African literature is certainly a Herculean task, which is beneath the scope of this article in any case. The material fact undoubtedly anchored in the missives is that African art cries for staple connections that are truly African. In 1967, Wole Soyinka wrote that “African writer had” been largely disillusioned from vindicating “the political moment of his society” (Soyinka, 1997:352). Earlier in 1965, Chinua Achebe pointed out the helplessness of African artists amidst a “world language that history has forced down [Africans] throats” (Achebe, 1997:346). Obiajunwa Wali, the critic that actually threw the gauntlet in 1963, expressed the ordeals more stoically that, African literature, as it were, “lacks any blood and stamina, and has no means of selfenrichment...and has no chance of advancing African literature and culture” (Wali, 1997:332-333). Thus, transliterating the seeming convergent ‘lamentations’ of the writers would reveal that a common denominator that needed to be worked on in African art, following the momentous 1960’s, was a disconnect of the arts from the reality on ground. As Chinua Achebe pointed out in 1965 After the elimination of white rule is complete, the single most important fact in Africa in the second half of the twentieth century will be the rise of individual nation-states. I * Department of Public Administration Obafemi Awolowo University Ile-Ife, Nigeria Email: [email protected] believe that African literature will follow the same pattern (Transition, 1997: 343). While this article will not account for the wide gap and development in African literature since the 1960’s, a modest attempt at showcasing how much of the issues have been addressed in contemporary works of art may be attempted. There have been attempts to refocus African literature, though modest, as many would see it, from foreign language domination that Obiajunwa Wali condemned in 1962 while simultaneously reckoning with Chinua Achebe’s admonitions of the fruitlessness, if not helplessness, in any attempt to “abolish the language of the erstwhile colonial powers and still retain the facility for mutual communication” among “hundreds of autonoumous communities”. One of such contemporary attempts is arguably found in the movies series, Saworoide and Agogo-Eewo, produced by Tunde Kelani in 1999 and 2002 respectively. As later analysis will show, the movies keyed into the adopted definition of African literature as a Creative writing in which an African setting is authentically handled or to which experiences originating in Africa are integral . The hails of the movies are its oxymoronic bearing on the cruel benefits of politics, which, as Bamgbose (2019) pointed out that African post-colonial poems, are the imaging of colonial experiences and, in the words of Kalu and Falola (2019:1), are a reflection of the “daunting challenges in the socio-political and economic” phenomenon in African states and inherited exploitative tendency of the colonial days. In the recent time, however, fictional representation of political phenomenon in performing arts is not novel around the world and not in the least in Africa. As Tegel (2006) puts it, cinematographers had long battled with the Herculean task of separating style from content in the form of art and politics. A few, if any, have been successful as “the two cannot be kept separate” (Tegel, 2006:185). In time and space, the human race has deployed figurative arts to express abhorrence to inordinate ambitions, criminality, bad ru l e , larceny, illegal ascendancy to p o w e r , political upheavals, bad leadership and followership, and illegitimacy, among other social vices (Mayne, 1976; Herhuth, 2014; Cheref, 2017). Cheref (2017:395) reported glowingly about Italian director Gillo Pontecorvo’s La Battaile l’Algier as “quite relevant to Middle Eastern politics and world peace” and so downright and carefully produced that the film “literally” became the global counterinsurgent training tools against global “political and religious insurgency”. Hume (2010) also wrote that David Lynch’s Blue Velvet and Wild at Heart lends itself to more of “political content”, influenced deeply by political dialogue like “modernism, postmodernism...capitalism”, than the concreteness or amateurishness of art for which they are celebrated. In the same vein, AMC’s The Walking Dead, though presented as a genre of science fiction, the television series nevertheless connects effectively to the “debate between tyrannical and democratic philosophies of political and moral governance” (Wright, 2017:148). Moreover, acceptance of and endearment to good governance have also found expression in literary appreciations of audio-visual genre along with expressions of various kinds of emotional attachments like love, hate, faith belief and the like ensembles (Mayne, 1976; Wilson, 1997; Boron, 2019; Lash, 2019). Writing on the political importance of online audio-visual as a medium for radical politics, Askanius (2012:16) argued that online video like YouTube provides a remarkable platform of an emerging method for restructuring the terrain of politics and “exhibits the changing modes of political engagement in contemporary liberal democracies”. As Dawson (2016:113) rightly stated, “video clips with political content, often posted with humorous or satirical intent” are a means for public outcry against misrule and for political socialisation in Serbia and Bulgaria. In his epic book titled Culture and democracy in Serbia and Bulgaria: How idea shape publics, Dawson (2016) argued that video contents could reveal the state of the mind of a people while simultaneously signifying their ‘political standpoints’. This is also not unlike Africa. Brozgal (2013) wrote of the scorching allegory of religious tolerance in 1966 Tunisia in Férid Boughedir s 1996 Un Été à La Goulette movie. The genre was particularly common in the colonial and nationalisms periods, and the building up to freedom and immediate aftermath of political independences. During the apartheid era in South Africa, Africans presented many plays, writings and works of arts from Africa and the diaspora towards freeing the South African people from the oppressive, tyrant regimes. Additionally, the periods of the transatlantic slave era have documented representations of political scenarios in songs, fine arts, writings and plays by writers, artist, playwrights and singers (Adejumo, 2007). The writer stated further that post-colonial period that ushered in the modern liberal democratic dispensations particularly utilised visual arts to express political discontents. No doubt, literary authors have provided the much-needed sociological respites to raise the hopes and aspirations of the people. In most of the works, however, the idea of emancipation from poverty, oppression, exploitation and misrule have dominated the reels and writings of sort. In the colonial era to be precise, substantial efforts were directed, as writers are united, at exposing and documenting malicious political intentions and economic manipulations on-going in the colonies (Jones, 1968). At that time, the literary appr