Aadne Aasland

Ethnicity and Social Exclusion in Estonia and Latvia

THE TRANSITION FROM A CENTRALLY PLANNED to a market economy in the Baltic countries has had a massive impact on the living conditions and economic situation of the population. Substantial progress has been made since the dissolution of the Soviet system, but the process has also had negative consequences. One is emerging poverty, another, for parts of the population, is a change from active involvement to the risk of social exclusion and alienation. This development is worrisome and problematic and calls for close monitoring. The general trend in welfare development is one important subject; another is to what extent the problems are unequally distributed in the population. Do some groups experience larger risks of poverty or social exclusion than others?

Citizenship status and social exclusion in Estonia and Latvia

Abstract Findings from the Norbalt living conditions surveys in Estonia and Latvia are used to examine whether persons without Estonian and Latvian citizenship are at greater risk of social exclusion than citizens in these two countries. the level of integration into the labor market, participation in civil society and political life, degree of social isolation, and the level of economic resources among the two groups are analyzed. In Estonia non-citizens are more at risk of social exclusion compared to Estonian citizens, while in Latvia one finds no statistically significant difference between the groups. In both countries educational level is much more important than citizenship status in explaining social exclusion.

Statehood, Ethnic Relations and Citizenship

The Baltic nations are hardly exceptional in national self-determination leading to the establishment of multi-ethnic polities rather than nation-states. Yet as the experiences of post-colonial states only too vividly show, where nationalists aspire to the idea of the model nation-state in which the dominant nation and national homeland are considered as one and the same, independent statehood is unlikely to become the panacea for resolving multi-ethnic tensions.1 How the new polity defines the contours of citizenship will be especially critical to determining ethnopolitical stability. As Enloe has observed, ‘During political integration national ethnic groups are likely to be looked upon as alien, having less right to the rewards of national sovereignty than indigenous groups’.2 This is likely to be especially problematic where the nation, having fought for independent statehood, perceives an ethnic minority within the new sovereign polity as inseparable from that nationality which enjoyed a privileged role during colonial rule.

Trust and Informal Practice among Elites in East Central Europe, South East Europe and the West Balkans

Abstract The article examines patterns of generalised and institutional trust among elites in East Central Europe, South East Europe and the West Balkans. It enquires into the extent to which such trust can predict elite perceptions and behaviour concerning informal practice. The article builds on surveys of elite representatives in seven post-socialist states. Survey findings are complemented with and illustrated by findings from qualitative in-depth interviews. It emerges that neither institutional nor generalised trust can serve as strong predictors of informal behaviour or of informal practice. The linkages between trust and informal practice are then discussed with reference to elites own experiences with the past legacy and post-socialist society.

The Russian population in Latvia: An integrated minority?

As a result of the break‐up of the Soviet Union there were almost 25 million Russians living in former Soviet republics but outside what is considered to be their historic homeland. Because of the historical circumstances and particularities of each region, the level of integration of the Russian population into the new polities differed widely. An attitude survey was undertaken among the Russian population in Latvia in the spring of 1992, in which Russians were asked questions about language fluency, intermarriage, their selection of mass media, personal libraries, contacts woth relatives outside Latvia, inter‐ethnic relations, discrimination due to nationality, preference for citizenship and intention to leave or to remain in Latvia. They were also asked to indicate what respectively ‘Latvia’ and ‘Russia’ meant to them personally. The findings suggest that the Russian population, far from being a homogeneous community, differed considerably in terms of integration into Latvian society. Russians who were...

Encouraged but controlled: governance networks in Russian regions

ABSTRACT The article examines the role of civil society in Russian governance networks, focusing on power relations between state and non-state actors. The analysis is based on empirical evidence from concrete governance networks in two major cities, St. Petersburg and Samara, that handle complex social issues – integration of migrants, drug prevention, and child protection. Power asymmetries are reflected in tight state control of governance networks’ agenda, membership, and opportunity to affect policy. The governance networks are first and foremost advisory bodies with very limited decision-making authority.

Civil Society in Post-Communist Europe: Perceptions and Use of Contacts

While a number of studies on the use of contacts in post-communist states have appeared in recent years, the large majority of these focus on the general public or on specific types of elites considered to be particularly vulnerable to corruption, such as politicians and public procurement officials. Less is known about the perceptions and personal experiences of those working in civil society in this regard. This article explores (i) general perceptions of the use of contacts; (ii) personal experience with contacts both as ‘users’ and ‘go-betweens’; and (iii) the maintenance of personal and/or work-related contacts—drawing on large-scale qualitative and quantitative data collected among NGO representatives in east central Europe, southeast Europe and the West Balkans. It is argued that contacts are indeed widely used by NGO representatives. The article is rounded off by a discussion of civil societys ability to perform the role of anti-corruption watchdog, given that contacts are widely used also in this sector.

Perceptions of Social Change in Nepal: Are Caste, Ethnicity, and Region of Relevance?

Whereas it has been well documented that Nepal has experienced progress in economic and human development over the last decade, this article examines the impact of caste, ethnicity, religion and region on perceptions of socio-economic and socio-cultural change. Based on results of the Center for Nepal and Asian Studies (CNAS) Social Exclusion Survey of 2890 households, we find that regardless of background characteristics, a majority of people report socio-economic improvements, more ethnic integration and less discrimination. Although traditionally excluded caste, ethnic and religious groups are somewhat less likely to report social improvements than more privileged groups, two models of socio-economic and socio-cultural change show that such group differences disappear when controlling for socio-economic and other background characteristics.

Patterns of Socio-Political Participation in Nepal and Implications for Social Inclusion

Abstract This article sets out to examine patterns of participation in civil society organisations and political activities in Nepal based on a survey in four districts of Nepal, with respondents drawn from 2,890 households. After examining bivariate relationships between different forms of participation and a variety of background characteristics of respondents and households, we construct an index for socio-political participation at the household level with a distinction between non-participation, moderate participation and high participation. According to this classification 33 per cent of the households are non-participants, 52 per cent participate moderately, and 15 per cent show high participation by at least one of its members. The subsequent analysis challenges the notion that participation is determined by ethnic and caste background. Rather, it is district and cultural values that explain moderate participation whilst level of education explains high rates of participation. These variables cut across caste and ethnic groups, which are the factors commonly offered as explanations for differences in participation. The data show that empowerment has taken place and inclusion in civil society and political activities is widespread among all segments of the population. The present challenge for social exclusion is to translate the high activity levels in the population into effective policies and non-discriminatory institutional practices.

Governance in Russian Regions

This book investigates the emergence and working of governance networks in contemporary Russia. Drawing on a case study design, it provides a novel comparison of seven policy issues each investigated across various Russian regions or over time. Its authors reveal that governance networks are a ubiquitous phenomenon emerging in different regime types. It sheds light on how and why state authorities interact with non-state actors and unravels various types, functions and flavours of governance networks in Russia. By precisely tracing how state authorities govern networks under the terms of a hybrid regime, special emphasis is placed on the analysis of ‘meta-governance’ tools. Moreover, the book allows for theorising on governance in an increasingly authoritarian regime and thus can also be read as a unique contribution to research on governance theory in general. Creating a clear analytical framework it reflects the richness of governance theory and offers fresh perspectives on the nature of hybrid and ‘new’ authoritarian regimes. This original work will appeal to students and scholars of Russian Studies, public policy, political science, sociology, and public administration.