Ahmad Sadri

The Varieties of Religious Reform: Public Intelligentsia in Iran

Religious intellectuals play a pivotal role in the transformation of the Islamic Republic of Iran from an uneasy mélange of theocracy and democracy to a liberal democratic state with a religious tinge. This article examines the provenance of reform religious intelligentsia (in contradistinction to the leading intellectuals of the reform) and its varieties. Religious intelligentsia are the carriers of the triple strands of reform thought (radical, muckraking, and political) among the engagé intelligentsia in Iran. This paper is a timely contribution and functions as a snapshot of the religious reform at the brink of the second landslide victory of President Khatami.

Weber and the Southwest German school: The genesis of the concept of the historical individual

How can a student of Weber who is not trained as a philosopher presume to critically appraise an essay that explores detailed devel? opments of neo-Kantianism, except by confining the critique to the methodological implications of the philosophical issues and to the generic aspects of Webers methodology? Fortunately the concluding remarks of the Oakes paper address these problems and it is to this part of his paper that I turn my attention. My aim here is not to play devils advocate or to try to ward off criticisms leveled against Weber. The purpose is to examine the condi? tions under which the criticisms against Weber can be answered and to explore the foundations for such conditions in Webers own work. I see three criticisms of Weber in Oakess concluding remarks. The first casts doubt on the consistency of Webers theory of culture with that of Rickert which according to Oakes, Weber appropriated. The second is directed at Webers misunderstanding of Kantian episte mology. The Third attempts to discredit Rickerts, and ultimately Webers, dichotomy of value/valuation. In other words, Weber is criticized for the following: (1) adopting a theory without observing its incompatibility with his other assump? tions, (2) not understanding the full import of what he thought he had adopted, and (3) adopting a theory that is fundamentally flawed. Let me examine these arguments in order. In his first criticism Oakes claims that (1) Weber adopted Rickerts theory of objective cultural values and that (2) this theory is inconsis? tent with Webers theory of values. He rightly observes that Weber distinguishes between cultural norms and ethical imperatives and also espouses a theory of the eternal conflict of various realms of culture and ethics. A logical procedure would be to examine the degree to which the contradiction between the theories of culture would be detrimental for Webers work. This issue could be easily disproven but Weber can also be acquitted of these charges in another way, i.e., by refuting the first assumption and proving that Weber did not accept Rickerts theory of objective and generally valid cultural norms.

Foucault and the Iranian Revolution: Gender and the Seductions of Islamism

group identity (as the development of a positive group attachment is intimately related to the experiences of negative stereotypes and social stigma); politicizing social networks (including the implementation of new programs and approaches to encouraging student political engagement in schools); and building community social capital (by creating institutions and programs that foment a participatory democracy). In essence, the political incorporation of Latinos, she tells us, depends upon a democratic society willing to change the borders that outline political participation and that grant power to certain groups/individuals at the expense of others. This book teaches us that understanding Latino political participation/activism depends upon developing a nuanced analysis of political engagement beyond electoral politics. In the end, and without a doubt, the biggest contribution of Fluid Borders is its uncanny timing as we witness the massive mobilization of Latinos nationwide; Latinos who are engaging in non-electoral politics to cross the borders of a society that keeps them relegated to its political margins. Thus, anyone interested in understanding how or why Latinos are currently mobilizing in such big numbers, needs to read this book.

B ASSAM T IBI , Islam between Culture and Politics (New York: Palgrave, 2001). Pp. 288.

The word “between,” in the title of this book also occurs in a dozen of its chapter headings to underline a host of Islams other unavoidable and unenviable choices between “past and present,” “ belief and reality,” “divine law and spirituality,” “secularization and de-secularization,” “modernity and neo-absolutism,” and so on. Bassam Tibi is himself an in-between observer, not merely because he is a naturalized German citizen of Syrian origin who currently resides in the United States, but mainly because he straddles the disciplines of international relations, Middle East studies, anthropology, and sociology. Based on a unique, interdisciplinary grid of social sciences, Tibis narrative of Islam in the modern world flows with the confidence of a natives account.

68.00 cloth; 19.95 paper.

The social role of intellectuals was a pervasive motif in Webers thought, particularly in his works on religion and politics. Comprehensively examining and extending Webers work on the subject, Sadri provides a new perspective on the intelligentsia and its role in society. He also provides a synthetic typology of intellectuals which spans both Eastern and Western traditions. Culling Webers scattered observations on the subject, Sadri lays a theoretical foundation for a Weberian sociology of intellectuals, making it a valuable resource for scholars interested in the reflections of this great thinker.