Alan Ryan

Property and Political Theory

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Hobbes's political philosophy

This chapter discusses some large questions in Hobbess political philosophy. My aim is to identify what, if anything, Hobbes thought to be the central problem, or problems, of politics and to link the answer to an account of why the state of nature is so intolerable, of how we may leave it, and whether the manner of our leaving is well explained by Hobbes. I then turn to the implications for Hobbess account of the rights and duties of the sovereign, and then to the contentions issue of the subjects right, in extremis, to reject his sovereign and rebel. In the course of that discussion, I also consider Hobbess account of the nature of punishment and the question whether his two rather different accounts are not one too many. In answering these questions, I shall say something about Hobbess conception of the law of nature, his theory of political obligation, and the role (or lack of a role) of religious belief in his political system. I say a little about Hobbess account of liberty and link its oddities to the politics of his own day.

J.S. Mill

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Locke and the Dictatorship of the Bourgeoisie

IT is a commonplace. but true, that the two terms on which Locke mts the greatest weight of doctrine in the Second Zkeutise arc ‘coment’ and ‘property’. It is with the second of thesc terms that we are here concaned, and in partiwith the use which Locke makm of his doctrine that : ‘The great and &fend therefore, of Mem uuitiq into Commonwealths, and putting themselves under Government, is the Preservution of their Property.’*

Popper and Liberalism

It is clear to all readers of Popper’s work that there is some sort of natural affinity between the account he gives of the rationality of science and his commitment to political liberalism. The object of this essay is to explore the nature of that affinity. The claims I make about it are initially very uncontentious, and hardly go beyond Popper’s own words; I end, however, by making the more contentious claim that Popper’s account of scientific rationality is itself in a broad sense political, and that what sustains his commitment to some awkward epistemological views is his liberalism. That is, it is not so much that his philosophy of science supports his liberalism as that it expresses it. This is not a claim which I imagine Popper himself would accept; indeed, I imagine that he would be extremely hostile to it. None the less, I should perhaps say at this point that it is not a claim made in any very hostile or critical spirit. Defences of liberalism, like defences of science, are almost doomed to waver somewhat between the thought that it is the process which justifies the result — a political decision or an accepted theory — and the thought that it is the result which justifies the process.

DOES INEQUALITY MATTER—FOR ITS OWN SAKE?

This is a simple essay. It raises a familiar question about equality, adduces a very small amount of empirical evidence about the social consequences of equality as distinct from prosperity , and broods on the difficulty of providing a really persuasive answer to the question raised. I begin with the view that there simply cannot be anything intrinsically wrong with inequality, move on to the view that there are extrinsic reasons for anxiety, dividing these into conceptual and empirical reasons, though without any great commitment to the clarity of that distinction in this context, and end with some reflections on recent social and political theory. The essay thus begins with what I hope are clear and (what I am sure are) very simple thoughts, before muddying the water pretty thoroughly thereafter.

La politique de Russell

L’article propose une interpretation qui donne sa coherence aux nombreux changements politiques de Russell. Ceux-ci sont dus a la convergence de plusieurs facteurs : la separation de la philosophie et de l’ethique, les limites du pacifisme de Russell, et les relations de celui-ci avec son public sur les questions politiques. L’auteur montre les rapports systematiques et subtils entre ces facteurs, et les explicite par l’expose des engagements et des actions effectives de Russell.