Alexander Grosu

Strange Relatives of the Third Kind

In this paper, we argue that there are more kinds of relative clause constructions between the linguistic heaven and earth than are dreamed of in the classical lore, which distinguishes just restrictive relative clauses and appositives. We start with degree relatives. Degree, or amount, relatives show restrictions in the relativizers they allow, in the determiners that can combine with them, and in their stacking possibilities. To account for these facts, we propose an analysis with two central, and novel, features: First, we argue that the standard notion of degree (a number on a measuring scale) needs to be replaced by a notion of structured degree, which keeps track of the object measured. Second, we argue that at the CP-level of degree relatives an operation of (degree) maximalization takes place. We show that the observed facts concerning degree relatives follow from these assumptions. We then broaden the discussion to other relative clause constructions. We propose that the operation of maximalization takes place in relative clauses when the head noun is semantically interpreted CP-internally, while syntactically the CP is part of a DP that also contains CP-external material. Based on this, we argue that degree relatives form part of a linguistically coherent class of relative clause constructions -- we call them maximalizing relatives -- which all show restrictions similar to those observed for degree relatives, and which differ semantically (and often also syntactically) both from restrictive relative clauses and from appositives. We discuss free relatives, internally-headed relatives, and correlatives.

Three studies in locality and case

Table of Contents Introduction Chapter 1: The Syntax of Free Relative Constructions 1. The Configurational Properties of Realis FRCs and their Internal Syntax Effects: Critical Review of Earlier Literature 2. The Syntax of Null-Operator FRCs 3. The Theory of pro, Anti-Pied-Piping Effects and Non-nominal FRCs 4. Coindexation-Dependent PF Processes 5. The Analysis of Non-indicative/Irrealis FRCs Chapter 2: Rumanian Determiners as Functional Categories Chapter 3: On Null Operators in Rumanian.

Reply to Bhatt and Pancheva's ''Late Merger of Degree Clauses'': The Irrelevance of (Non)conservativity

According to Bhatt and Pancheva (2004), two effects they attribute to degree constructions (obligatory extraposition effects and scope rigidity effects determined by the superficial position of degree phrases/clauses) can be given a unified analysis in terms of an extension of Fox and Nissenbaums (1999) analysis of extraposition in conjunction with the nonconservativity of (certain) degree words. We show that, under full preservation of Bhatt and Panchevas theoretical assumptions, their account faces at least three problems: (a) one of the phenomena they propose to unify, the one involving scope effects, does not exist; (b) (non)conservativity is irrelevant to obligatory extraposition effects; and (c) contrary to their tacit assumption, Trace Conversion is at most an optional procedure for DegP chains. We propose an alternative, nonsemantic treatment of obligatory extraposition effects, which subsumes them under an independently needed adjacency constraint on prehead modifiers. Furthermore, we note that the facts brought up here and in Bhatt and Pancheva 2004 call into question the quantificational approach to degree constructions.

Towards a More Articulated Typology of Internally Headed Relative Constructions: The Semantics Connection

This article outlines the shortcomings found in two well-known syntax-based typologies of internally headed relative constructions (IHRCs), and demonstrates the benefits of a typology that relies on the syntax-semantics interface and takes semantics seriously into account. It is argued that the latter approach yields a more revealing and empirically superior typology of IHRCs.

Generative Phonologie und indogermanische Lautgeschichte

1. Rolle der Sprachgeschichte, Natürliche Klassen; 2. distinktiv vs. redundant und Rekonstruktion; 3. Adäquatheiten, Spiegelbildregeln, Metathesen; 4. Abst rakte Regeländerungen, Austauschregeln und Große Vokalverschiebung; 5. Symmetrie und idg. Vokalsysteme; 6. Syntaktische Einschränkungen und keltische Anlautsmutationen; 7. Allegro-, persistente-, Echtzeit-Regeln; 8. Silbenbegriff und aksl. Konspiration; 9. bleeding, feeding order (Kiparsky), local order (Andersen) und Grassmann s Gesetz; 10. Zyklische, globale Regeln (Kisseberth) und Brugmanns Gesetz; 11. Lass: Metaregeln; 12. Foley; 13. Stampes Natural Phonology und die Phonematik; 14. Analogie; 15. Dialektologie und die Einheit der Satemsprachen.

AN ANALOGICAL APPROACH TO NOUN CLAUSE DISTRIBUTION

This paper offers a functional explanation for certain restrictions on the distribution of subject/object noun clauses. Its twin goals are (i) to improve on earlier functional explanation of the same range of data put forward in Grosu & Thompson (1977), and (ii) to provide additional support for a view I have argued for in a number of earlier works, namely, that one factor which favours the emergence of marked constructions is their (apparent) similarity to unmarked constructions.