Amber Horning

Conflict and Agency among Sex Workers and Pimps A Closer Look at Domestic Minor Sex Trafficking

The dominant understanding in the United States of the relationship between pimps and minors involved in commercial sex is that it is one of “child sex trafficking,” in which pimps lure girls into prostitution, then control, exploit, and brutalize them. Such narratives of oppression typically depend on postarrest testimonials by former prostitutes and pimps in punishment and rescue institutions. In contrast, this article presents data collected from active pimps, underage prostitutes, and young adult sex workers to demonstrate the complexity of pimp-prostitute dyads and interrogate conventional stereotypes about teenage prostitution. A holistic understanding of the factors that push minors into sex work and keep them there is needed to designand implement effective policy and services for this population.

Prior Crime Specialization and Its Relationship to Homicide Crime Scene Behavior Type

The present study explored the link between offenders’ prior criminal specialization (violent crime, sexual crime, or burglary/theft) and subsequent homicide crime scene type (exploit, control, distance) in 77 U.S. cases of single-offender/single-victim homicides. Specialists as compared to those with no prior criminal history were significantly more likely to engage in goal directed behaviors such as controlling the victim, controlling the outcome, and exploitative behaviors (sex and theft). Sexual crime specialists specifically were the more distinct subtype. The findings indicated differences in how first-time homicide offenders approach the crime scene and are discussed in line with the usefulness to homicide investigators.

Pimping and Profitability Testing the Economics of Trafficking in Street Sex Markets in Atlantic City, New Jersey

Human trafficking has been identified as the second or third most profitable illicit business on the planet. Underlying these claims and billions of dollars in policy funding since the 1990s is an economics of human trafficking built heavily on two assumptions. The first is that nonconsensual labor is more profitable than consensual labor with minors being particularly profitable due to their ubiquity and inability to effectively consent. The second is that, unlike illicit narcotic and weapons sales, human trafficking involves a uniquely renewable and nearly limitless source of profit. This article uses empirical data collected from street sex markets in Atlantic City, New Jersey in 2010–2012 to test some of the assumptions of the economics of human trafficking and puts particular focus on U.S.-based domestic minor sex trafficking by exploring market practices and understandings of young sex workers and pimps/third parties who have opportunities to benefit from the sexual labor of minors. Consistent with broader literature by economic historians and labor process scholars, findings do not support the assumptions of trafficking economics, suggesting the need for trafficking economists and policymakers to give more consideration to local political economies of sex in the design of antitrafficking policy.

The Trafficking in Persons Report: a game of risk

The State Department ranks countries on adherence to minimum standards set forth by the Trafficking Victims Protection Act 2000. The Trafficking in Persons Report (TIP) is updated annually and failure to enact changes to combat trafficking results in higher tier rankings. This paper evaluates the TIP by situating this tool in light of special features of the modern era, such as globalization and risk. Through a survey of the theoretical literature on risk and on trafficking risk factors, we devise six preliminary risk clusters and discuss how the TIP could incorporate governments’ response to trafficking risk factors into the ranking system. Our intentions are to spark debate about how risk factors could be incorporated in the TIP, to provide a preliminary model and to encourage further research in this area.

Third Party Sex Work and Pimps in the Age of Anti-trafficking

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Pimps, Bottoms, and the Nexus of Caring and Cash in a Harlem Sex Market

Pimp and sex worker business arrangements often originate in private social spheres. In sex markets, the overlap between work, leisure, and even family spheres can foster a complicated nexus between intimacy and economy. Zelizer (2000) explores the sociology of purchases of intimacy using three approaches: “hostile worlds”, “nothing-but”, and “connected lives”. We expand on her typology and test pimps’ perspectives about the rules of intimacy with sex workers. In the hostile worlds paradigm, if intimacy is allowed in the economic realm, there is contamination and chaos ensues. In the nothing-but paradigm, these spheres blend quite normally in the course of market activity, but there are uneven power dynamics. Connected lives are where intimacy and economy coexist, but without chaos. Through on-going negotiations, some deeper interpersonal connections form. Pimps’ perspectives about the nexus between intimacy and economy map onto Zelizer’s threefold typology. In housing projects in Harlem, 85 pimps were interviewed in situ about their labor, including their approach to relationships with sex workers. The crux of this nexus lies in the relationship between a pimp and his “bottom”, (Pimps commonly use the slang terms ‘bottom’ or ‘bottom bitch’ to describe their main sex workers). We find that pimps articulate all three management approaches; however, their approaches are not static. For instance, their intimate feelings for bottoms can develop over time, or their romantic relationships can transform to friendship or to a distant business relationship. Their management decisions concerning the rules of intimacy appear to influence their economic returns. Based on comparisons of their median weekly earnings, the conventional adage that “intimacy corrupts economy” is not supported, and those pimps who are more intimate with workers generate higher earnings.

Introduction: In Search of Pimps and Other Varieties

In the United States, the pimp represents one of the key tropes of black masculinity, alternately representing the lowest form of racialized degradation and the highest expression of masculine power. In the mid-twentieth century, bestselling novelists like Jack Kerouac, Donald Goines, and Robert Beck publicly enshrined the black pimp in the pantheon of ghetto personalities, while towering figures of civil rights like Malcolm X and Huey Newton, copped to, boasted about, and struggled against their autobiographical pimp narratives. However, very little empirical research ever emerged on the topic. By the 1980s the pimp was being declared dead. Instead, there was a focus on the victim of improved employment opportunities and expanded legal rights for women according to some scholars and the victim of the crack epidemic and dropping commercial sex prices according to others. However, the international coordination against human trafficking that came to be a key part of post-cold war governance revived interest in this colorful and largely forgotten troglodyte among scholars, policy-makers and law enforcement officials, leading to numerous anti-pimp tracts. This lead to increased prosecution and much longer prison sentences in the United States. Globally, the proliferation of anti-trafficking laws, practices, institutions, and compliance instruments also produced a renewed concern about the presence of male third party facilitators in commercial sex markets, but with a continued absence of rigorous empirical social science research. However, the past half-decade has seen the emergence of a small group of researchers who together and independently have begun to address this lacuna. The following essay introduces their contributions and some key themes taken up in the first book to anthologize.

Walking the Tightrope: Ethical Dilemmas of Doing Fieldwork with Youth in US Sex Markets

In this chapter, we explore how we traversed the “carnivalesque” atmosphere of underground sex markets. This term was claimed by Mikhail Bakhtin (1984) and depicts “unofficial” worlds, where, if you are not looking from the vantage point of a “world turned upside down,” you may see nebulous rules, loose social boundaries, and changeable hierarchies. We use this concept to examine how we approached ethical dilemmas in doing fieldwork with young sex workers and pimps. While we keep a foot in both “unofficial” and “official” worlds, we approach the dilemmas with the view of a “world turned upside down.” We critically explore the more relevant concept of exploitation, especially coercion, in light of the idea that sex-market-involved youth are inherently exploited due to age-related constrained agency, e.g., immaturity, naivete, or traumatic upbringings (Dank 2011; Lloyd 2011). The themes of constrained agency manifested in unexpected ways, that is, in ways that were alternative to how some scholars and the public culturally and socially construct their lives. Further, we examine themes of constraint in the contexts of the sex market, the licit market, and the research sphere, which are worlds that can collide, but also hold important intersections. As researchers, we walk the moral/ethical line of doing fieldwork with young participants, and we also illustrate the balancing act involved in near missteps.

Review of Sex Slaves and Serfs: The Dynamics of Human Trafficking in a Small Florida Town, by Erin C. Heil

Erin Heil’s book, Sex Slaves and Serfs: The Dynamics of Human Trafficking in a Small Florida Town, is an excellent illustration of the plight of undocumented and documented people who toil in the U.S. agricultural industry. Many are exploited and some qualify as trafficked persons. Heil’s primary access to the Immokalee community was through the local police. They allowed her on “ride alongs” to observe the tomato pickers and they spoke with her at length about their strategies with this vulnerable group. In part, through their gaze, she is able to produce a layered rendition of how police construct the dynamics between themselves and these hard-to-reach communities and how they interpret changing law and policy. Her message that Immokalee is a microcosm of many American cities may be a stretch, but her findings are generalizable to many agricultural towns that rely on labor from Mexican, Central American, and Haitian populations. She emphasizes that the output of this exploitation is omnipresent as it is evidenced in the everyday items that we consume, such as tomatoes. Also, Heil provides thoughtful evidence-based policy recommendations. These range from the formation of external advocacy groups, such as the Coalition of Immokalee Workers (CIW), who negotiated higher wages to police-led programs that foster connections