Andreas Bieler

A critical theory route to hegemony, world order and historical change: neo-Gramscian perspectives in International Relations

Situated within a historical materialist problematic of social transformation that deploys many of the insights of the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, a crucial break emerged, in the 1980s, in the work of Robert Cox from mainstream International Relations (IR) approaches to hegemony. This article provides a comprehensive ‘state-of-the-discipline’ overview of this critical theory route to hegemony, world order and historical change. It does so by outlining the historical context within which various diverse but related neo-Gramscian perspectives emerged. Attention subsequently turns to highlight how conditions of capitalist economic crisis and structural change in the 1970s have been conceptualised, which inform contemporary debates about globalisation. Significantly, the discussion is also responsive to the various controversies and criticisms that surround the neo-Gramscian perspectives whilst, in conclusion, directions along which future research might proceed are elaborated. Hence providing a thorough survey of this historical materialist critical theory of hegemony and thus forms of social power through which conditions of capitalism are reproduced, mediated and contested.

Globalisation, the state and class struggle: a ‘Critical Economy’ engagement with Open Marxism†

This article explores common commitments between competing historical materialist perspectives within International Political Economy (IPE). It does so by engaging with the approach of Open Marxism that has emerged as the basis of a radical rethinking of theories of the state, the dialectic of subject-object and theory-practice, as well as commitments to emancipating the social world. Despite these contributions, though, there has been a sonorous silence within debates in critical International Relations (IR) theory in relation to the arguments of Open Marxism. In contrast, we engage with and develop an immanent critique of Open Marxism through a ‘Critical Economy’ conception of the state proffered by Antonio Gramsci. Previously overlooked, this alternative approach not only promotes an understanding of the state as a social relation of production but also affords insight into a broader range of class-relevant social forces linked to contemporary processes of capitalist development. A key priority is thus granted to theorising the capitalist state, as well as issues of resistance and collective agency, that surpasses the somewhat ‘theological’ vision of state-capital-labour evident in Open Marxism. Moreover, it is argued in conclusion that the approach we outline provides an avenue to critique additional competing ‘critical’ approaches in IR/IPE, thereby raising new questions about the potential of critical theory within international studies.

Globalisation and Enlargement of the European Union: Austrian and Swedish social forces in the struggle over membership

1. Introduction: theories of integration and Austrias and Swedens accession to the European Union - a critique and alternative Some limitations of integration theories A neo-Gramscian alternative 2. Austria and Sweden in an era of global structural change The processes of globalisation The post-war economic and political systems in Austria and Sweden The impact of the processes of globalisation on Austria and Sweden Globalisation and the configuration of social forces in Austria and Sweden 3. Social forces and the struggle for application in Austria and Sweden The struggle over the Austrian application to the EU Sweden and social democratic hegemony: the struggle postponed 4. The conflict over the EU referenda in Austria and Sweden From the EEA via Maastricht and membership negotiations to the referenda The referendum struggle in Austria A debate at last: social forces mobilise in Sweden 5. Austrias and Swedens accession to the EU and the changing security structure Neo-realism, neutral states and the end of the Cold War Austria: the silent redefinition of neutrality Sweden: neutrality redefined as non-alignment 6. The future enlargement of the EU towards Central and Eastern Europe A neo-Gramscian perspective on future EU enlargments Globalisation and the transformation of Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and the question of EU membership 7. Conclusions: globalisation, EU enlargement and the limits of neo-liberalism A neo-Gramscian perspective as an alternative approach to European integration Social Forces behind the Austrian and Swedish accession to the EU The possibilities for a counter neo-liberal project

The struggle over EU enlargement: a historical materialist analysis of European integration

This article argues with the help of a neo-Gramscian perspective that neo-liberal restructuring is the social purpose underlying Austrias and Swedens accession to the EU in 1995 as well as future enlargements towards Central and Eastern Europe. The way in which enlargement has come about has differed, however. On the one hand, class struggle occurred mainly at the Austrian and Swedish national level. While a historical bloc in favour of EU membership was established in Austria by internationally oriented capital and labour, Swedish transnational capital and labour only formed a strong pro-EU alliance, because transnational capital favoured the EU for its neo-liberal restructuring, while transnational labour hoped to regain control over capital at a higher level. On the other hand, neo-liberal restructuring in Central and Eastern Europe has to be secured externally via EU membership, based on an alliance between Central and Eastern European state élites and transnational capital, represented by the Commission and the European Round Table of Industrialists.

‘Another Europe is possible’? Labour and social movements at the European social forum

The first European Social Forum (ESF) held in Florence, Italy from 6 to 10 November 2002 brought together a diverse array of so-called ‘anti-capitalist’ movements including trade unions, new, radical unions and social movements to contest the agenda of neoliberalism as it is presented within and beyond processes of European integration. This article evaluates the ESF and the possibilities for cooperation between labour and social movements in forming joint strategies against neoliberalism. It is often assumed—rather than demonstrated—that established trade unions are an obstacle to more radical contestatory practices of direct-action social movement resistance. With detailed empirical analysis, the article assesses whether there was a continuation of reformist practices within unionist activities at the ESF allied with a focus on the often-contrary sensibilities of social movement opposition. The activities and joint strategies of labour and social movements at the ESF are therefore examined, not least th...The first European Social Forum (ESF) held in Florence, Italy from 6 to 10 November 2002 brought together a diverse array of so-called ‘anti-capitalist’ movements including trade unions, new, radical unions and social movements to contest the agenda of neoliberalism as it is presented within and beyond processes of European integration. This article evaluates the ESF and the possibilities for cooperation between labour and social movements in forming joint strategies against neoliberalism. It is often assumed—rather than demonstrated—that established trade unions are an obstacle to more radical contestatory practices of direct-action social movement resistance. With detailed empirical analysis, the article assesses whether there was a continuation of reformist practices within unionist activities at the ESF allied with a focus on the often-contrary sensibilities of social movement opposition. The activities and joint strategies of labour and social movements at the ESF are therefore examined, not least their resistance to both neoliberalism and its ultimate extra-economic enforcement through military power as evidenced by the war on Iraq. Whilst conclusions about the efficacy of future cooperation are cautious it appears that the horizons of resistance are expanding not only within Europe but also at the global level. Adam David Mortonis lecturer in the Department of Politics and International Relations at Lancaster University and visiting lecturer in the Department of International Relations and History at the Universidad de las Américas (Puebla), México. His research focuses on issues of state formation, resistance, and economic restructuring in Mexico and Latin America. He is author ofUnravelling Gramsci: Hegemony, Imperialism, and Resistance in the Global Political Economy(Pluto Press, 2006) and he has published in various journals, includingMillennium: Journal of International Studies, Review of International Studies, Review of International Political EconomyandThird World Quarterly. Andreas Bieleris senior lecturer in the School of Politics at the University of Nottingham, UK. His current research project deals with the positions of trade unions on Economic and Monetary Union against the background of global restructuring and how this impacts on the emerging European model of capitalism. He is author ofGlobalisation and Enlargement of the European Unionand co-editor (with Richard Higgott and Geoffrey Underhill) ofNon-State Actors and Authority in the Global Systemas well as (with Adam David Morton) ofSocial Forces in the Making of the New Europe.

The EU, Global Europe, and processes of uneven and combined development: the problem of transnational labour solidarity

In 2006, the European Union launched its new free trade strategy Global Europe with the explicit goal of increasing European competitiveness. This article explores the positions of trade unions and other social movements on Global Europe. Importantly, while Northern social movements and trade unions from the Global South reject Global Europe due to its impact of deindustrialisation on developing countries, European trade unions support it in so far as it opens up new markets for the export of European manufactured goods. It will be argued that this has to be understood against the background of the dynamics underlying the global economy and here in particular uneven and combined development. Due to the uneven integration of different parts of the world into the global economy, workers in developed countries may actually benefit from free trade, while workers in the Global South are more likely to lose out. It will, however, also be argued that while these different positions within the social relations of production are shaping the position of trade unions, they do not determine them. Over time, through direct engagement, trade unions in the North and South may be able to establish relations of transnational solidarity.

Labour, New Social Movements and the Resistance to Neoliberal Restructuring in Europe

The purpose of this article is to analyse one of the very first European-level instances of trade union and social movement interaction in defence of the public sector, namely, the Coalition for Green and Social Procurement, an alliance of European trade unions and green and social non-governmental organisations (NGOs), and its campaign for an amendment of the new public procurement directives from 2000 to 2003. It will be examined to what extent this campaign was able to change the directives and counter neoliberal restructuring effectively as well as what the possibilities but also limits of trade union and social movement cooperation are as exemplified in this particular case study.

Questioning Cognitivism and Constructivism in IR Theory: Reflections on the Material Structure of Ideas

In recent years, it has been highlighted in international relations theory that mainstream approaches neglect the role of ideas in relation to the formation of interests and international cooperation. This article critically discusses the renewed emphasis on ideas. ‘Cognitive’ and ‘constructivist’ approaches are outlined as the two main strands in the debate and a neo-Gramscian position within it is sketched. Importantly, a neo-Gramscian position is able to conceptualise the material structure of ideas, thereby overcoming the separation between ideas and material structure from the very beginning.

A Critical Theory Route to Hegemony, World Order and Historical Change

Situated within a historical materialist problematic of social transformation and deploying many insights from the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, a crucial break with mainstream International Relations (IR) approaches emerged by the 1980s in the work of Robert Cox. In contrast to mainstream routes to hegemony in IR, which develop a static theory of politics, an abstract ahistorical conception of the state and an appeal to universal validity (e.g. Keohane, 1984, 1989; Waltz, 1979), debate shifted towards a critical theory of hegemony, world order and historical change (for the classic critique, see Ashley, 1984). Rather than a problem-solving preoccupation with the maintenance of social power relationships, a critical theory of hegemony directs attention to questioning the prevailing order of the world. It ‘does not take institutions and social and power relations for granted but calls them into question by concerning itself with their origins and whether they might be in the process of changing’ (Cox, 1981, p. 129). Thus, it is specifically critical in the sense of asking how existing social or world orders have come into being, how norms, institutions or practices therefore emerge, and what forces may have the emancipatory potential to change or transform the prevailing order.

Swedish Trade Unions and Economic and Monetary Union The European Union Membership Debate Revisited

As in 1994 on the question of European Union (EU) membership, there is a split between transnational sector unions supporting European Monetary Union (EMU) and national production sector unions rejecting it. Interestingly, however, transnational production sector unions, as well as trade union confederations, no longer combine their support for membership with a strong emphasis on Europe-wide cooperation and the demand for further development of the Social Dimension. A neo-Gramscian perspective amended with a strategic-relational approach to the state is used for the analysis. While the split in the labour movement on EMU can be explained through a reference to the impact of globalization, the renewed focus of transnational labour on the Swedish form of state is due to the re-strengthened cooperation with capital at the national level and a strong economic performance of Sweden in the late 1990s as well as in 2000 and 2001.