Andrew van der Spuy

Dislocated noun phrases in Nguni

Abstract It is traditionally assumed that Nguni allows great freedom of order in its syntax, and that this is either because it is nonconfigurational, or because its NPs may be proposed or postponed by operation of the Move-α rule. In this paper it is argued that these assumptions are incorrect. Nguni is a configurational language; and s-structure NPs which are not constituents of IP are base-generated in their positions, since they bind pronominal elements within IP. They are therefore dislocated NPs.

Generating Zulu noun class morphology

This article seeks to provide a parsimonious generative account of the relationship between Zulu nouns and their prefixes, and between the singular and plural forms of nouns. It has been suggested that in the Bantu languages the latter relationship can best be described by assuming that nouns are marked for a feature gender, and that the feature class can be derived from the combination of the features gender and number. These claims lead to considerable redundancy if applied to a language like Zulu. A more parsimonious grammar can be achieved by assuming that Zulu nouns are lexically marked for class, and that plurals of count nouns, rather than being inflections, are regularly and productively derived from the singular.This article seeks to provide a parsimonious generative account of the relationship between Zulu nouns and their prefixes, and between the singular and plural forms of nouns. It has been suggested that in the Bantu languages the latter relationship can best be described by assuming that nouns are marked for a feature gender, and that the feature class can be derived from the combination of the features gender and number. These claims lead to considerable redundancy if applied to a language like Zulu. A more parsimonious grammar can be achieved by assuming that Zulu nouns are lexically marked for class, and that plurals of count nouns, rather than being inflections, are regularly and productively derived from the singular.

The Morphology Of The Zulu Locative

The Zulu locative has traditionally been classed as an adverb, or as a nominal in certain contexts. In other Bantu languages, like Swahili, the locative is treated as a form of noun. This paper presents a description of the locative in terms of the theory of Distributed Morphology. It proposes that the Zulu locative can best be viewed as a case of the nominal. The paper also examines two phonological alternations associated with the locative, namely vowel lowering and palatalization. Traditionally, these have been seen as phonologically conditioned, but it is argued that they are both morphologically conditioned.

In Defence of the Zulu Adjective

It has been claimed that the traditional Zulu ‘adjectives’ and ‘relative stems’ would be more appropriately called ‘qualificative noun[s]’ (Posthumus, 2000). Yet the synchronic syntactic behaviour of ‘adjectives’ is identical to that bf ‘relative stems’, but different from that of nouns, verbs, and prepositions. Therefore a distinctive term should be used for these two morphological word-types; an appropriate term is ‘adjective’. The argument that the relative-clause form of adjectives is derived from the predicative construction, and not vice versa, is further evidence in favour of the ‘adjective’ analysis, though this article suggests an alternative to Khumalos derivation of the relative-clause form by ‘SP Deletion’.It has been claimed that the traditional Zulu ‘adjectives’ and ‘relative stems’ would be more appropriately called ‘qualificative noun[s]’ (Posthumus, 2000). Yet the synchronic syntactic behaviour of ‘adjectives’ is identical to that bf ‘relative stems’, but different from that of nouns, verbs, and prepositions. Therefore a distinctive term should be used for these two morphological word-types; an appropriate term is ‘adjective’. The argument that the relative-clause form of adjectives is derived from the predicative construction, and not vice versa, is further evidence in favour of the ‘adjective’ analysis, though this article suggests an alternative to Khumalos derivation of the relative-clause form by ‘SP Deletion’.

An outline of Zulu phrase structure

This article is an introduction to the X′-component of Government and Binding Theory, as applied to Zulu. In the first part of the article the general principles of X′-theory are outlined, and in the second part it is shown how the syntactic categories of Zulu are projected.

Bilabial Palatalisation in Zulu: A morphologically conditioned phenomenon

This article looks at the question of whether the palatalisation processes which occur in the Zulu locative, diminutive and passive are best regarded as morphologically conditioned or as phonologically conditioned. For each of these processes, arguments are presented to show that they are morphologically conditioned, and that proposed analyses of them as phonologically conditioned are incorrect. It is further argued that the rules which prevent VV sequences from arising are also morphologically conditioned. Formal morphologically conditioned analyses of each process are given.

Zulu noun affixes: a generative account

Although Zulu morphology has been extensively described, there have been very few generative studies of it. The aim of this article is to provide a generative account of the productive Zulu noun affixes (that is, affixes which attach to nouns, or which form nouns). The article will discuss the combinatory properties of the noun affixes: their selection properties, their features, and their status as heads or nonheads, in terms of the framework presented in Lieber (1992). It will also determine whether the affixes are derivational or inflectional. The affixes discussed are the initial vowel, the noun class prefixes, the locative prefixes, the noun-forming suffixes -i [‘human’] and -o [‘inanimate’], the meaning-changing affixes -kazi [‘feminine’], -kazi [‘augmentative’] and -ana [‘diminutive’], the locative suffix -ini, and the zero affixes which can be postulated to explain the changes in noun class that accompany changes in meaning.Although Zulu morphology has been extensively described, there have been very few generative studies of it. The aim of this article is to provide a generative account of the productive Zulu noun affixes (that is, affixes which attach to nouns, or which form nouns). The article will discuss the combinatory properties of the noun affixes: their selection properties, their features, and their status as heads or nonheads, in terms of the framework presented in Lieber (1992). It will also determine whether the affixes are derivational or inflectional. The affixes discussed are the initial vowel, the noun class prefixes, the locative prefixes, the noun-forming suffixes - i [‘human’] and - o [‘inanimate’], the meaning-changing affixes - kazi [‘feminine’], - kazi [‘augmentative’] and - ana [‘diminutive’], the locative suffix - ini , and the zero affixes which can be postulated to explain the changes in noun class that accompany changes in meaning. S.Afr.J.Afr.Lang .,2009, 2

Post-inflectional derivation in Zulu: Further evidence against the split morphology hypothesis

Abstract This article adds to the evidence that the Split Morphology Hypothesis (SMH) (Anderson 1982; Scalise 1984; Perlmutter 1988) is incorrect. Scalise (1984) and Anderson (1992) claim that inflectional morphology must always be ‘peripheral with respect to derivation’. Booij (1994) challenges the SMH with evidence from a range of languages, and concludes that while this may hold for contextual inflection (e.g. agreement and case marking), it does not hold true for inherent inflection (e.g. noun number or verb tense). The isiZulu language contains some clear counter-examples to the SMH, namely quantifiers based on adjectives, presentatives and demonstratives. Each of these word-types is analysed to show that they contradict the SMH. Furthermore, they contradict Booijs prediction that the SMH is more likely to be violated when new words are derived from inherently inflected forms than from contextually inflected ones. The unsustainability of the SMH suggests that lexicalist and non-derivational models of grammar are likely to be correct.Abstract This article adds to the evidence that the Split Morphology Hypothesis (SMH) (Anderson 1982; Scalise 1984; Perlmutter 1988) is incorrect. Scalise (1984) and Anderson (1992) claim that inflectional morphology must always be ‘peripheral with respect to derivation’. Booij (1994) challenges the SMH with evidence from a range of languages, and concludes that while this may hold for contextual inflection (e.g. agreement and case marking), it does not hold true for inherent inflection (e.g. noun number or verb tense). The isiZulu language contains some clear counter-examples to the SMH, namely quantifiers based on adjectives, presentatives and demonstratives. Each of these word-types is analysed to show that they contradict the SMH. Furthermore, they contradict Booijs prediction that the SMH is more likely to be violated when new words are derived from inherently inflected forms than from contextually inflected ones. The unsustainability of the SMH suggests that lexicalist and non-derivational models o...

English noun plurals : a cyclic account

This article describes Cyclic Morphology, a theory of morphological generation that falls into the category of theories which Stump (2001) calls lexical–realizational. An account of the morphology of English noun plurals is given in order to illustrate the workings of the theory. Technical terms in the theory are explained and exemplified. It is shown why the theory can be classified as lexical, and argued that a lexical theory is to be preferred over an inferential one: first, it allows all morphological generation to take place in the lexicon, thus avoiding the problem of accounting for derivation that takes place after inflection; and second, a lexical theory requires a grammar with fewer components, and may be more economical than an inferential theory.

Generation of the isiZulu subjunctive

Abstract This article presents a generative account of the subjunctive and hortative forms of isiZulu verbs, using a lexical-realisational model of morphological generation. It is shown that this model can account succinctly for morphologies like the isiZulu subjunctive, with its various complexities, such as underdetermination, extended exponence, an array of affixes, and morphologically and phonologically conditioned allomorphs of both affixes and roots.