AnnCorinne Freter

Settlement History and the Classic Collapse at Copan: A Redefined Chronological Perspective

Surveys, test pitting, and large-scale excavation carried out since 1975 around the Classic Maya center of Copan, in western Honduras, have yielded a wealth of settlement data. A total of 2,048 obsidian-hydration dates have redefined the Late Classic Coner ceramic phase, showing it to extend well into the Early Postclassic. Sites with Coner ceramics exhibit much more intraphase chronological variation than expected. The Classic “collapse” at Copan was much more protracted than thought previously. There is an abrupt royal collapse at about A.D. 800, but subroyal elite activity continues for another 200 years, and population declines gradually over a period of four centuries.

Dating Results From Excavations in Quarry Tunnels Behind the Pyramid of the Sun at Teotihuacan

In this article we summarize the results of an ongoing project designed to study the tunnels and caves of Teotihuacan, emphasizing those findings derived from the excavation of four extraction tunnels located immediately to the east of the Pyramid of the Sun. In particular, we present radiocarbon and obsidian-hydration dates from the Cueva de las Varillas, where 13 Mazapan-phase burials were found and which has substantial evidence for a post-Teotihuacan occupation. In addition, the Cueva del Pirul has produced evidence of another 14 human burials, which were predominantly children, as well as complete dog skeletons, in a context clearly related to underworld symbolism. After the fall of Teotihuacan, these underground cavities excavated into tezontle continued to provide space for the practitioners of Tlaloc and fertility cult activities. In Aztec times, they were living spaces, and given the lack of space on the surface, this was a function that they served well into the twentieth century.

Chronological Research at Copan: Methods and implications

As a consequence of long-term archaeological research at Copan, 1,425 archaeological sites containing 4,507 structures have been located and mapped over an area of 135 km 2 . As part of the PAC II research, 200 archaeological sites representing a 15% stratified random sample of all valley sites were test excavated from 1983–1989. From these excavations, 2,150 obsidian hydration dates were processed, representing the largest number of chronometric dates from controlled contexts currently available from any southern Lowland Maya site. Based on this chronological research, there appears to be an excellent fit with various other available chronological techniques for all time phases except the ending date of the important Coner ceramic phase, which now appears to have extended to A.D. 1250. This more detailed Copan chronology suggests that the political collapse of the Main Group and immediate vicinity was quite sudden, taking place c. A.D. 800–830. Beyond that, however, the chronometric data provide evidence that some of the secondary elite, or lineage heads, and large numbers of rural commoners continued to reside within the valley in reduced courtyard groups or small rural hamlets for about 400 years following the decentralization of the Copan polity.

Environmental Degradation and the Classic Maya Collapse at Copan, Honduras ( a.d . 600–1250): Evidence From Studies of Household Survival

The Late Classic Maya abandonment of the Copan Valley, Honduras, began in the ninth century a.d . and lasted approximately 250–300 years. The relationship between local ecological setting and residential group abandonment is examined by applying event-history analysis to the known occupation spans of 140 residential mound groups, dated by obsidian hydration. Late Classic households in ecologically vulnerable sections of the Copan Valley—as measured by slope, soil type, and natural vegetation—had significantly higher risk of abandonment than households in more ecologically stable settings. Abandonment risk rises sharply in all regions at the end of the seventh century a.d . Both computerized agricultural simulations and settlement demographic reconstructions indicate that increased levels of agricultural intensification necessary to meet the subsistence needs of Copans growing population would have led to large-scale erosion in upland areas and a significant reduction of soil fertility in all regions of the valley at that time. Mound-group abandonment patterns tend to support the hypothesis that environmental degradation played a dominant role in the collapse of the Copan polity.

The Obsidian Hydration Dating Project at Copan: A Regional Approach and Why It Works

Settlement research at Copan, Honduras, since 1984 has produced the largest set of obsidian-hydration dates from excavated contexts available for Mesoamerica (Webster and Freter 1990). GeoXrey Braswell (1992) has criticized the methodology underlying our research, specific associations of our published data, and particularly our reconstruction of a demographic and political decline at Copan that extended well beyond A.D. 900. Braswell has incorrectly characterized the Copan Obsidian Hydration Dating Projects methodology, and makes many factual errors in assessing the Copan data. In this paper the authors correct these errors, discuss basic issues of obsidian-hydration-dating methodology, and offer new data from Copan to evaluate the ef%*acy of hydration dating as a method and its potentialfuture application for Mesoamerica as a whole.

A Late Classic lime-plaster kiln from the Maya centre of Copan, Honduras

Under and behind the splendours of Maya ceremonial buildings are the craft skills of the artisans who put them up. A first find of a lime-plaster kiln, from Copan in Honduras, illuminates one of those technologies, the burning of lime in a closed oven rather than on an open-air pyre.

MULTISCALAR MODEL OF RURAL HOUSEHOLDS AND COMMUNITIES IN LATE CLASSIC COPAN MAYA SOCIETY

A variety of models contribute to our understanding of Classic Maya sociopolitical structure. Few, however, consider the variability that existed within Maya systems, and the temporal and spatial scales of analysis have often been limited, especially with respect to the commoner segment of society. One model that has focused attention on this component of the Maya is the sian otot, described by Charles Wisdom (1940 The Chorti Indians of Guatemala. University of Chicago Press) and introduced for the Copan Maya by William Fash (1983 Deducing Social Organization from Classic Maya Settlement Patterns: A Case Study from the Copan Valley. In Civilization in the Ancient Americas: Essays in Honor of Gordon R. Willey. University of New Mexico Press and Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University). Based on data from a 135-km2 regional settlement survey and excavations of the Copan Valley in Honduras, it is argued that this model, in conjunction with other, broader models of Classic Maya society, offers a useful perspective from which to construct a multiscalar model of ancient Copan social organization. The variability among sian otot, particularly in terms of economic production, is considered. The ceramic data from Copan suggest that ceramic production among commoner units was communal, and the possibility for community cooperatives is raised. Finally, the dynamic scale and productive relations among the commoners are considered in light of broader sociopolitical changes in the processual history of the Copan polity. It is concluded that the intersection of social, political, and economic institutional frameworks needs to be more comprehensively investigated from varied scales, both temporal and settlement, to appreciate fully the diversity of Maya social organization during the Late Classic/Terminal Classic transition.

Teotihuacan Valley, Mexico, Postclassic Chronology

The Postclassic period in central Mexico was characterized by enormous population growth and expansion of settlement, but the timing of the onset of these processes has been poorly understood. Obsidian tools from residential contexts at the Late Postclassic village of Cihuatecpan in the Teotihuacan Valley have been analyzed to determine the extent of hydration, and thus the amount of time elapsed since the tools were manufactured. Estimated dates of manufacture range between a.d. 1221 and 1568, consistent with ethnohistoric accounts of the timing of establishment of Cihuatecpan and other rural villages, and their abandonment in the Early Colonial period. Ceramics found in the same contexts as the obsidian tools include Black-on-orange types, such as III, which may have come into use in the thirteenth century. This experiment in relative and absolute dating accords with other current research, indicating a needed revision of traditional chronologies toward an earlier onset of major processes.

Environmental Change Since the Woodland Period in the Mid-Ohio Valley: Results from Patton Bog Sediment Core Palynological Analyses

Abstract Palynological analyses of sediment cores from Patton Bog in southeastern Ohio recorded environmental changes from ca. 1000 B.C. to the present, representing the first pollen core analyzed from this region. Pollen data show an increase in prairie species, implying periodic expansion of grassland environments during the Woodland period coeval with the initial collection and eventual domestication of Eastern Agricultural Complex seeds. It is suggested that these environmental changes influenced human decisions concerning plant domestication and diet in the mid-Ohio Valley.

The Taber Well Site (33HO611): A Middle Woodland Habitation and Surplus Lithic Production Site in the Hocking Valley, Southeastern Ohio

Abstract From ca. 1500 B.C. through A.D. 300, small indigenous communities in southeastern Ohio incrementally increased their population size, adopted a more sedentary lifeway within recognized territories, formalized the burial of select individuals in mounds, and supplemented their hunting and gathering economy with gardening. Data from the Taber Well site (33HO611) are presented, from which we infer that surplus lithic production was taking place at the site. We suggest that surplus production of utilitarian goods was part of the economy of this and other local communities, especially within an environment of uneven resource distribution. This observation is contextualized within models of Middle Woodland exchange and specialization.