Anthony T. Bouscaren

Europe Joseph D. Douglass, Jr. Soviet Military Strategy in Europe. Pp. xiv, 238. Elmsford, NY: Pergamon Press, 1980.

as substitute sons. In Hai-shan during the early twentieth century, a majority of marriages were either minor or uxorilocal, with the former type predominating. For the parents of Hai-shan, the adoption of daughters-in-law secured two principal advantages. It was not only cheaper than following costly nuptial conventions, but also avoided a perennial source of intrafamilial discord, the rivalry between mother-in-law and wife over the affections of the son. On the other hand, men who married uxorilocally usually had no other options except bachelorhood-a universally stigmatized status-in view of the area’s chronic shortage of marriageable women. From the point of view of the younger generation, however, such nuptial strategies had serious drawbacks. Conjugal relationships as a rule were less satisfactory in heterodox marriages. Repulsion between the sibling-spouses understandably marred minor marriages, decreased their fertility, and spurred compensatory adulterous liaisons. Wolf and Huang do not go far beyond the invocation of the incest taboo in exploring the pyschological dimensions of minor marriages, but do indicate that they be-

30.00. Roy Godson and Stephen Haseler. Euro-Communism: Implications for East and West. Pp. ix, 144. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1979.

The author is a Lecturer in European Politics at the University of Bristol. Relying on German sources and visits to Germany, he has come up with a first-rate study of the CDU/CSU, &dquo;the first example in German history of a democratic Volkspartei (which) mobilized under one political banner different forces of the center-right which had traditionally been divided or even antagonistic.&dquo; This new unity forged by the CDU/CSU &dquo;was the first major step towards reconstructing party political patterns in postwar Germany.&dquo; This study analyzes the party with special reference to its role both in the government (1949-1969) and in the Opposition (since 1969). In addition, Mr. Pridham discusses its organization, membership, auxiliary organizations, electoral appeal, and campaigns. In his view, &dquo;the particular sociopolitical feature of the West German version of Christian Democracy has been its inter-confessional character based on its response to the traditional division between Catholics and Protestants in German political history.&dquo; Moreover, &dquo;the strong regional roots in the political environment of West Germany, expressed through its federal system, have limited the possibilities for internal cohesion in the CDU/CSU.&dquo; The Bavarian-based Christian Social Union (CSU) was less affected by the loss of governmental power in 1969 than was the CDU, precisely because it retained control of the Land government in Bavaria. Indeed, writes the author, &dquo;any classification of the CDU/CSU as a political force within the context of comparative studies of political parties has become progressively less possible, because there has been a qualitative change in the relationship of mutual dependence between the two Christian Democratic parties, largely as a result of the CDU/CSU’s loss of its dominant position in Federal politics and of the impact of the Opposition role.&dquo; In his conclusion, Mr. Pridham states that &dquo;it cannot be assumed that the

16.50

While the European Economic Community was established to break down barriers hampering the movement of men and materials in almost the entire economy of the six member states, by the Treaty of Rome it still has to depend on inter-governmental cooperation to achieve these ends. Likewise, in the case of the European Coal and Steel Community there was full awareness that Article 69 had reserved no power of decision to the High Authority on labor mobility. It was up to the sovereign states to take the necessary measures toward implementing this Article of the Treaty of Paris. The High Authority saw its role here as one of orientating and facilitating action by the member states, and then only for the industries of steel, coal and iron ore.

Geoffrey Pridham. Christian Democracy in Western Germany. Pp. 371. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1977.

Western Europe makes up about 3 percent of the land surface of the world, and contains about 10 percent of its population. The population of the six Common Market countries is 180 million (exclusive of West Berlin) and that of the seven European Free Trade Association (EFTA) countries, 93 million. It is a largely urban society — the density of the population in the Common Market is fourteen times greater than that of the world as a whole — at a high and increasing level of economic development, production and consumption, and dependence on international trade.1

19.95

The most important non-Community country of emigration is Spain. Spanish net emigration has increased from 69,000 in 1954 to 227,000 ten years later. The trend is away from overseas migration to Common Market migrations.

The Coal and Steel Community

The European Economic Community’s social policies are aimed at improving wages and working conditions and at maintaining a high level of employment. The Treaty of Rome (March 25, 1957) which created the EEC provides a basis for equal pay for men and women, overtime pay, paid vacations and social services. High employment is ensured through the free movement of labor, investment in retraining and relocation of workers, and aids to economic development.

Economic and Migration Facts

One interesting aspect of migrations to the United States in recent years is the so-called “brain-drain” of professional people, mostly from Europe, rising from 11,000 in 1947 to 30,000 in 1966. Britain, Germany and the Netherlands have been the chief losers in these categories. And unfortunately for many developing countries, many of their young people who come to the U.S. for technical training try to remain in the U.S. for good. During the period 1961—1965, 3,000 scientists, engineers and physicians migrated permanently to the United States from Latin American countries.la

The Non-Community Countries

many contemporaries who are quoted, apparently, to demonstrate what was in the air in the first decades of our national life. The book’s greatest value lies in the effort to point up the practical, realistic grounds of Marshall’s decisions and his &dquo;judicial statesmanship&dquo; in holding to a few clear national purposes which might be secured by interpretation of the Constitution. ARTHUR R. HOGUE Professor of History Indiana University

Rome Treaty Legal Provisions

The Impact of the Russian Revolution, 1917-1967. Pp. 357. New York: Oxford University Press, under the auspices of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1967.

American Immigration and the Common Market

7.50. This compendium was issued under the auspices of the Royal Institute of International Affairs. The introductory essay, written by Arnold Toynbee, is entitled &dquo;Looking Back Fifty Years.&dquo; It is thoroughly undistinguished, largely due to the author’s passionate outbursts against United States policies relating to Communist expansionism. The United States is so far-gone that it &dquo;cannot afford to let even a liberal revolution run its course without American intervention.&dquo; John Foster Dulles is the devil of this theory. And we learn that today, &dquo;each of the communist countries is just as narrowly nationalistic-minded as each of the non-communist countries.&dquo;