Avi Gopher
Tel Aviv University
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Publication
Featured researches published by Avi Gopher.
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America | 2009
Mary C. Stiner; Ran Barkai; Avi Gopher
Zooarchaeological research at Qesem Cave, Israel demonstrates that large-game hunting was a regular practice by the late Lower Paleolithic period. The 400- to 200,000-year-old fallow deer assemblages from this cave provide early examples of prime-age-focused ungulate hunting, a human predator–prey relationship that has persisted into recent times. The meat diet at Qesem centered on large game and was supplemented with tortoises. These hominins hunted cooperatively, and consumption of the highest quality parts of large prey was delayed until the food could be moved to the cave and processed with the aid of blade cutting tools and fire. Delayed consumption of high-quality body parts implies that the meat was shared with other members of the group. The types of cut marks on upper limb bones indicate simple flesh removal activities only. The Qesem cut marks are both more abundant and more randomly oriented than those observed in Middle and Upper Paleolithic cases in the Levant, suggesting that more (skilled and unskilled) individuals were directly involved in cutting meat from the bones at Qesem Cave. Among recent humans, butchering of large animals normally involves a chain of focused tasks performed by one or just a few persons, and butchering guides many of the formalities of meat distribution and sharing that follow. The results from Qesem Cave raise new hypotheses about possible differences in the mechanics of meat sharing between the late Lower Paleolithic and Middle Paleolithic.
Nature | 2003
Ran Barkai; Avi Gopher; S. E. Lauritzen; A. Frumkin
Israel is part of a geographical ‘out of Africa’ corridor for human dispersals. An important event in these dispersals was the possible arrival of anatomically modern humans in the Levant during the late Middle Pleistocene. In the Levant the Lower Palaeolithic ends with the Acheulo-Yabrudian complex, characterized by technological developments, including the introduction of technological innovations such as the systematic production of blades and the disappearance of hand-axes. These reflect new human perceptions and capabilities in lithic technology and tool function. Qesem Cave, discovered in 2000, has a rich, well-preserved Acheulo-Yabrudian deposit holding great promise for providing new insights into the period. Here we report the dates of this deposit obtained by uranium isotopic series on associated speleothems and their implications. The results shed light on the temporal range of the Acheulo-Yabrudian and the end of the Lower Palaeolithic, suggesting a long cultural phase between the Lower Palaeolithic Acheulian and the Middle Palaeolithic Mousterian phases, starting before 382 kyr ago and ending at about 200 kyr ago.
American Journal of Physical Anthropology | 2011
Israel Hershkovitz; Patricia Smith; Rachel Sarig; Rolf Quam; Laura Rodríguez; Rebeca García; Juan Luis Arsuaga; Ran Barkai; Avi Gopher
This study presents a description and comparative analysis of Middle Pleistocene permanent and deciduous teeth from the site of Qesem Cave (Israel). All of the human fossils are assigned to the Acheulo-Yabrudian Cultural Complex (AYCC) of the late Lower Paleolithic. The Middle Pleistocene age of the Qesem teeth (400-200 ka) places them chronologically earlier than the bulk of fossil hominin specimens previously known from southwest Asia. Three permanent mandibular teeth (C(1) -P(4) ) were found in close proximity in the lower part of the stratigraphic sequence. The small metric dimensions of the crowns indicate a considerable degree of dental reduction although the roots are long and robust. In contrast, three isolated permanent maxillary teeth (I(2) , C(1) , and M(3) ) and two isolated deciduous teeth that were found within the upper part of the sequence are much larger and show some plesiomorphous traits similar to those of the Skhul/Qafzeh specimens. Although none of the Qesem teeth shows a suite of Neanderthal characters, a few traits may suggest some affinities with members of the Neanderthal evolutionary lineage. However, the balance of the evidence suggests a closer similarity with the Skhul/Qafzeh dental material, although many of these resemblances likely represent plesiomorphous features.
Critical Reviews in Plant Sciences | 2010
Shahal Abbo; Simcha Lev-Yadun; Avi Gopher
Understanding the evolutionary history of crop plants is fundamental to our understanding of their respective adaptation profiles, which in turn, is a key element in securing future yield and quality improvement. Central topics in this field concern the mono- or polyphyletic origin of crop plants, and our ability to identify the geographic location where certain crop plants have originated. Understanding the geographical pattern of domestication may also assist in reconstructing the cultural processes underlying the Neolithic (agricultural) Revolution. Here we review prevailing views on the geographic pattern of Near Eastern plant domestication, and highlight the distinction between genetic domestication events and independent cultural events. A critical evaluation of the wealth of newly published geobotanical, genetic, and archaeological data provides strong support in favor of a specific core area in southeastern Turkey where most, if not all, founder Near Eastern crops were likely domesticated.
PLOS ONE | 2011
Miki Ben-Dor; Avi Gopher; Israel Hershkovitz; Ran Barkai
The worldwide association of H. erectus with elephants is well documented and so is the preference of humans for fat as a source of energy. We show that rather than a matter of preference, H. erectus in the Levant was dependent on both elephants and fat for his survival. The disappearance of elephants from the Levant some 400 kyr ago coincides with the appearance of a new and innovative local cultural complex – the Levantine Acheulo-Yabrudian and, as is evident from teeth recently found in the Acheulo-Yabrudian 400-200 kyr site of Qesem Cave, the replacement of H. erectus by a new hominin. We employ a bio-energetic model to present a hypothesis that the disappearance of the elephants, which created a need to hunt an increased number of smaller and faster animals while maintaining an adequate fat content in the diet, was the evolutionary drive behind the emergence of the lighter, more agile, and cognitively capable hominins. Qesem Cave thus provides a rare opportunity to study the mechanisms that underlie the emergence of our post-erectus ancestors, the fat hunters.
The Quarterly Review of Biology | 2003
Shahal Abbo; Dan Shtienberg; Judith Lichtenzveig; Simcha Lev-Yadun; Avi Gopher
The widely accepted models describing the emergence of domesticated grain crops from their wild type ancestors are mostly based upon selection (conscious or unconscious) of major features related either to seed dispersal (nonbrittle ear, indehiscent pod) or free germination (nondormant seeds, soft seed coat). Based on the breeding systems (self‐pollination) and dominance relations between the allelomorphs of seed dispersal mode and seed dormancy, it was postulated that establishment of the domesticated forms and replacement of the wild ancestral populations occurred in the Near East within a relatively short time. Chickpea (Cicer arietinum L.), however, appears as an exception among all other “founder crops” of Old World agriculture because of its ancient conversion into a summer crop. The chickpea is also exceptional because its major domestication trait appears to be vernalization insensitivity rather than pod indehiscence or free germination. Moreover, the genetic basis of vernalization response in wild chickpea (Cicer reticulatum Ladiz.) is polygenic, suggesting that a long domestication process was imperative due to the elusive phenotype of vernalization nonresponsiveness. There is also a gap in chickpea remains in the archaeological record between the Late Prepottery Neolithic and the Early Bronze Age. Contrary to the common view that Levantine summer cropping was introduced relatively late (Early Bronze Age), we argue for an earlier (Neolithic) Levantine origin of summer cropping because chickpea, when grown as a common winter crop, was vulnerable to the devastating pathogen Didymella rabiei, the causal agent of Ascochyta blight. The ancient (Neolithic) conversion of chickpea into a summer crop required seasonal differentiation of agronomic operation from the early phases of the Neolithic revolution. This topic is difficult to deal with, as direct data on seasonality in prehistoric Old World field crop husbandry are practically nonexistent. Consequently, this issue was hardly dealt with in the literature. Information on the seasonality of ancient (Neolithic, Chalcolithic, and Early Bronze Age, calibrated 11,500 to 4,500 years before present) Near Eastern agriculture may improve our understanding of the proficiency of early farmers. This in turn may provide a better insight into Neolithic agrotechniques and scheduling. It is difficult to fully understand chickpea domestication without a Neolithic seasonal differentiation of agronomic practice because the rapid establishment of the successful Near Eastern crop package which included wheats, barley, pea, lentil, vetches, and flax, would have preempted the later domestication of this rare wild legume.
Journal of World Prehistory | 1993
Avi Gopher; Ram Gophna
The Pottery Neolithic of the southern Levant (the eighth and seventh millennia BP) was a crucial period in which the foundations were laid for the development of complex societies and urban civilization. This article summarizes the current state of research in this area during this period. Past and present research in Israel and Jordan is reviewed, and methodological problems in fieldwork and analysis are discussed. We attempt a systematic definition of the archaeological entities. For each such entity, we present the available data on chronostratigraphy, characteristics of the material culture (including lithics, ceramics and architecture), burial customs, figurines and images, economy, and site-distribution. While the Yarmukian and Jericho IX occupied territories of similar size and seem to represent entities on the scale of a “culture,” the later Wadi Raba entity extended over a larger area and was of longer duration. A chronostratigraphic summary is presented, and the major entities are compared in terms of site-types, economy, burials, and geographical distribution.
The Quarterly Review of Biology | 2009
Shahal Abbo; Yehoshua Saranga; Zvi Peleg; Zohar Kerem; Simcha Lev-Yadun; Avi Gopher
In this paper, we discuss, from both biological and cultural perspectives, the ancient human-plant liaison that gave rise to Near Eastern agriculture. We explain the biological aspects of Near Eastern plant domestication by a comparative analysis of legume vs. cereal crop evolution. This comparison is illustrated by the natural distribution, ecological affinity, physiology, population structure, floral biology, growth habit, plant stature, seed dispersal mode, and seed dormancy of both wild and domesticated plants of these crop groups. We discuss the differences between Near Eastern legumes and cereals with regard to each of the above aspects, and we highlight the relevance of these differences with regard to Neolithic decision-making, adoption for farming, and subsequent evolution under domestication. We reached the following conclusions: (1) Near Eastern legumes underwent different evolutionary trajectories under domestication as compared with their companion cereals, despite apparent similarities between selection under domestication of both crop groups. (2) Careful comparison of pea, lentil, and chickpea shows that each of the Near Eastern legume crops has a unique evolutionary history in its own right, and this also holds true for the cereal crops. (3) The evolutionary history of each of the Near Eastern crops, prior to as well as after domestication, is well-reflected in its adaptation profile in present-day cropping systems, which determines each crops relative economic importance in different world regions (e.g., chickpea is a major pulse in the Indian subcontinent, and pea is a more important crop in temperate regions, while barley has the widest adaptation, extending from high-latitude temperate regions to semi-arid Mediterranean systems). (4) Ancient choice-making, as reflected in the founder crops repertoire, involved nutritional considerations that may have outweighed grain yield per area and/or time unit criteria.
American Journal of Physical Anthropology | 2010
Vered Eshed; Avi Gopher; Ron Pinhasi; Israel Hershkovitz
This study addresses changes in health which were consequential to the Neolithic transition in the southern Levant, judged on the basis of the study of specific and nonspecific stress indicators, trauma, and degenerative joint disease in 200 Natufian (hunter-gatherer) skeletons (10,500-8300 BC) and 205 Neolithic (agricultural) skeletons (8300-5500 BC) from the southern Levant. The comparison of the health profiles of pre-Neolithic (Natufian) and Neolithic populations reveals a higher prevalence of lesions indicative of infectious diseases among the Neolithic population, and an overall reduction in the prevalence of skull trauma among males. No change over time was observed in the prevalence of degenerative joint disease. These results indicate that in the southern Levant the Neolithic transition did not simply lead to an overall deterioration in health but rather resulted in a complex health profile which was shaped by 1) an increase exposure to disease agents, 2) changes in diet, 3) population aggregation in larger and denser settlements, 4) changes in activity patterns and the division of labor, and possibly 5) a higher resistant immunological system and response capacity to environmental aggressions (mainly infections).
Critical Reviews in Plant Sciences | 2012
Shahal Abbo; Simcha Lev-Yadun; Avi Gopher; Marco Nadler
Reconstructing the evolutionary history of crop plants is fundamental for understanding their adaptation profile and the genetic basis of yield-limiting factors, which in turn are critical for future crop improvement. A major topic in this field is the recent claim for a millennia-long ‘protracted’ domestication process. Here we evaluate the evidence for the protracted domestication model in light of published archaeobotanical data, experimental evidence and the biology of the Near Eastern crops and their wild progenitors. The crux of our discussion is the differentiation between events or ‘domestication episodes’ and the later following crop evolutionary processes under domestication (frequently termed ‘crop improvement stage’), which are by definition, still ongoing. We argue that by assuming a protracted millennia-long domestication process, one needlessly opts to operate within an intellectual framework that does not allow differentiating between the decisive (critical) domestication traits and their respective loci, and those that have evolved later during the crop dissemination and improvement following the episodic domestication event. Therefore, in our view, apart from the lack of experimental evidence to support it, the protracted domestication assumption undermines the resolution power of the study of both plant domestication and crop evolution, from the cultural as well as from the biological perspectives.