Belinda Robnett

How long? How long? : African American women in the struggle for Civil rights

A compelling and readable narrative history, How Long? How Long? presents both a rethinking of social movement theory and a controversial thesis: that chroniclers have egregiously neglected the most important leaders of the Civil Rights movement, African-American women, in favour of higher-profile African-American men and white women. Author Belinda Robnett argues that the diversity of experiences of the African-American women organizers has been underemphasized in favour of monolithic treatments of their femaleness and blackness. Drawing heavily on interviews with actual participants in the American Civil Rights movement, this work retells the movement as seen through the eyes and spoken through the voices of African-American women participants. It is the first book to provide an analysis of race, class, gender, and culture as substructures that shaped the organization and outcome of the movement. Robnett examines the differences among women participants in the movement and offers the first cohesive analysis of the gendered relations and interactions among its black activists, thus demonstrating that femaleness and blackness cannot be viewed as sufficient signifiers for movement experience and individual identity. Finally, this book makes a significant contribution to social movement theory by providing a crucial understanding of the continuity and complexity of social movements, clarifying the need for different layers of leadership that come to satisfy different movement needs. An engaging narrative history as well as a major contribution to social movement and feminist theory, How Long? How Long? will appeal to students and scholars of social activism, womens studies, American history, and African-American studies, and to general readers interested in the perennially fascinating story of the American Civil Rights movement.

Race, Social Support and College Student Retention: A Case Study

At most colleges and universities, African American and Latino students are less likely than students from other racial and ethnic backgrounds to stay enrolled in college and are, therefore, less likely to earn a college degree. The Digest of Educational Statistics reports the following trends: in 2006 30% of Whites age 25 and older held a bachelor’s degree, while 17% of Blacks and 12% of Hispanics age 25 and older held a bachelor’s degree (National Center for Educational Statistics [NCES], 2008). The research presented here is a case study of a cohort of students attending a public research university in California who are exceptional. Unlike the situation at most colleges and universities, African American students in this cohort are significantly less likely to leave college than are other students, whereas Latino students are significantly more likely to leave than are other students. In order to understand why there is a difference in the retention of African American students and Latino students, we examined the extent to which the precollege and college experiences of students in this cohort vary by race/ethnicity. We examined which characteristics affect the retention of Latino students, as well as other racial/ethnic groups.

Emotional Resonance, Social Location, and Strategic Framing

Abstract This paper examines a much-neglected and complex area of social movement research, the relationship between emotional resonance, social location, and strategic framing. Through an analysis of the 1960s civil rights movement organization, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, this paper examines two framing attempt outcomes, one that succeeded and one that failed. In doing so, it clarifies (1) the processes through which ideological practices (or practices that emerge from ideology) develop into frames; (2) the importance of emotional resonance to the development of a frame; and (3) the socially located nature of emotional resonance. The paper argues that ideological practices produce varied collective meanings, which are mediated by socially located emotions. Framing collective meanings requires emotional resonance. This lends insight into the emotional dimensions of Snow and Benfords (1988) conceptualization of salience because social location strongly influences emotional resonance and thus the interpretation, meaning, and salience of practices, ideologies, and events.

Internet Daters' Body Type Preferences: Race-Ethnic and Gender Differences

Employing a United States sample of 5,810 Yahoo heterosexual internet dating profiles, this study finds race–ethnicity and gender influence body type preferences for dates, with men and whites significantly more likely than women and non-whites to have such preferences. White males are more likely than non-white men to prefer to date thin and toned women, while African-American and Latino men are significantly more likely than white men to prefer female dates with thick or large bodies. Compatible with previous research showing non-whites have greater body satisfaction and are less influenced by mainstream media than whites, our findings suggest Latinos and African Americans negotiate dominant white idealizations of thin female bodies with their own cultures’ greater acceptance of larger body types.

Gender, Church Involvement, and African-American Political Participation

While numerous studies discuss the political implications of class divisions among African-Americans, few analyze gender differences in political participation. This study assesses the extent to which church activity similarly facilitates mens and womens political participation. Employing data from a national cross-sectional survey of 1,205 adult African-American respondents from the 1993 National Black Politics Study, the authors conclude that black church involvement more highly facilitates the political participation of black men than black women. Increasing levels of individual black church involvement and political activity on the part of black churches increases the gender gap in political participation and creates a gender participation gap for some political activities. These findings suggest that while institutional engagement increases political participation, the gendered nature of the institutional context also influences political engagement outcomes.

Racialized Femininity and Masculinity in the Preferences of Online Same-sex Daters:

This study considers how online dating preferences reflect gendered racial inequality among same-sex daters. Research shows that heterosexuals reproduce gendered racial hierarchies through partner preferences, yet little work examines the preferences of sexual minorities, especially lesbians. Moreover, few studies examine racial heterophily (a preference for racial groups other than one’s own), which may influence interracial pairings. Using data from 4,266 Match.com dating profiles, we find that Asian, Latino, and Black lesbians and gays exhibit higher rates of racial heterophily than do Whites. Lesbians of color are less likely to self-exclude or to prefer Whites, and are more likely to not state a race preference than are minority gays. Self-exclusionary minority daters often discuss ideal masculinities and femininities in their profiles, suggesting that such exclusions are motivated by both racialized and gendered ideals for partners. Drawing on theories of homonormativity, we conclude that gays conform more to racialized, gendered ideals than do lesbians.

HOW EXTERNAL RACIAL CLASSIFICATIONS SHAPE LATINO DATING CHOICES 1

Understanding how different dimensions of race relate to the lived experiences of Latinos may shed light on the assimilation trajectories of different segments of the Latino population. Existing research suggests that racial appearance influences Latinos’ socioeconomic outcomes due to discrimination. However, researchers have not examined how Latinos’ perceived race relates to their acceptance of other racial/ethnic groups, thus revealing their agency in the assimilation process and how it is shaped by existing racial structures. Using a sample of over 6000 profiles collected from an internet dating website, this study finds that considering others’ classifications of race in addition to self-identifications changes our understanding of Latinos’ acceptance of other racial/ethnic groups as dates. Latinos who appear White are most likely to exclude Blacks and include Whites as possible dates while the opposite is true for those classified as Black. Latinos perceived as Latino fall somewhere in between those with a White versus Black racial phenotype in their acceptance of Blacks and Whites. These findings suggest that neither external classifications nor self-identifications of race alone can adequately assess the assimilation prospects of self-identified Latinos: those perceived as White may be assuming the position of Whites in the racial hierarchy, those perceived as Black may be assimilating into the bottom of the racial hierarchy along with African Americans, while those perceived as Latino may be maintaining an in-between status.

Waves of Contention: Relations among Radical, Moderate, and Conservative Movement Organizations

Abstract We develop theoretical and conceptual insights into a social movement’s strategic articulation, through an examination of the relationships among the conservative, moderate and radical organizations within a movement field before, during and after a wave of contention. Definitions for conservative, moderate and radical organizations that have been lacking in the literature are provided. Three U.S. cases are employed including the Civil Rights Movement, the Animal Rights Movement, and the AIDS Movement to illustrate/apply our concepts and test our theoretical assertions. We find a distinct conservative flank in movements which facilitates linkages to state officials. Moderates have a unique role as the bridge between the radical and conservative flanks. A lack of formal organization among radicals appears to incite state repression. The radical flank, or strong ties between the radial flank and moderates or conservatives, does not have a positive effect prior to or at the peak of a wave of contention when there is significant state repression. In the absence of state repression and after concessions or the peak of activism, moderates and conservatives benefit by distancing from the radical flank. Moderate organizations marginally institutionalize except when conservative movement organizations are absent; then full incorporation occurs.