Bengt Starrin

Sense of coherence and psychological well-being: improvement with age

Background Psychological well-being is important for individuals, communities and health services throughout the world because of the costs associated with psychological ill-health and the loss of quality of life for those affected and their relatives. Following a salutogenic approach, there is a link between health-promoting resources, such as generalised resistance resources and a positive state of health. Generalised resistance resources have been proposed to relate to an individuals sense of coherence (SOC). The objectives of the present study were (i) to investigate SOC in relation to age and sex, (ii) to investigate psychological well-being in relation to age and sex, and (iii) to investigate the relationship between generalised resistance resources and psychological well-being. Methods A random sample of 43u2009598 respondents (54% female) aged 18–85u2005years participated in the present study via a postal survey questionnaire. SOC was measured by the SOC-13 and well-being by the General Health Questionnaire-12 questionnaire. Results Males had both stronger SOC and well-being compared to females. There was a relationship between SOC and age, with stronger SOC in the older age groups. There was a larger proportion of individuals who experienced well-being as a function of age. In addition, an increase in SOC was related to a decrease in psychological well-being, that is, a stronger SOC corresponded to higher well-being. Conclusion Males showed a stronger SOC and more well-being than females. Moreover, SOC and well-being increased with age in both sexes. Our findings suggest that SOC may develop over a entire lifetime.

Parental monitoring, peer activities and alcohol use: A study based on data on Swedish adolescents

Aim: This study investigates the association between two types of social relations during leisure time (to parents and peers) and the frequency of alcohol use among Swedish adolescents, taking possible interaction effects into account. Methods: The data were collected during the 1995–2005 time period by using a questionnaire handed out in the class room. The study includes about 10,000 Swedish adolescents aged 15–16 years. Results: The results show that there are strong associations between the social relations adolescents have during leisure time (both to parents and peers) and the frequency of alcohol use. High levels of peer activity were associated with higher frequencies of alcohol use. Although the effects of relations with parents were modified by peer activity frequencies, high levels of parental monitoring were significantly associated with lower frequencies of alcohol use, regardless of the peer activity frequencies. Conclusions: Parental monitoring is an efficient way to prevent or reduce adolescents’ alcohol use, although its importance may vary due to peer activity frequency.

Empirical analysis of the risk of social exclusion of long-term unemployed young people in Sweden

For many years, high levels of employment and low levels of unemployment were the norm for Swedish society. During the period 1975–90, total unemployment ranged between 1.5% and 3.5% of the labour force. However, at the beginning of the 1990s, the labour market situation deteriorated dramatically from the recession and the correspondingly low level of demand for labour. From 1991 to 1994, total unemployment rose from 3% to 8%. For the 16–24-year age group, the highest unemployment rate was recorded in 1993 with 18.4%. However, since the summer of 1998, unemployment has declined. In that year 11.2% of youth in the age group 16–24 years were unemployed. The decline in unemployment in this group continued and in October 1999 the figure was 10.2%. Of these unemployed youth, 7.4% had been unemployed for more than 52 weeks. These figures do not include those in some kind of labour market programme. The National Labour Market Board (AMS) predicts a continued favourable development with increased levels of hiring and reduced unemployment. In one report, AMS reported a significant decline in the level of long-term unemployment during the past year — mainly among youth. Between May 1998 and May 1999, the number of long-term unemployed persons in the age group 18–24 years decreased from 6,044 to 3,301, a reduction of 45% (AMS, 1999). Even if the decline in unemployment after 1998 can be explained mainly by the growth in new job creation, the reduction of the number of long-term unemployed youth can be regarded above all as the result of an active labour market policy focused on a priority group.

International Debate on Social Exclusion

At the beginning of the 1970s, hardly any Western European country had an unemployment rate exceeding 4%. Much has happened since then. The advanced market economies have undergone a very extensive economic restructuring. A global economy has emerged. In 1998, some 18 million people were unemployed in the countries of the European Union (EU), and 50 million had incomes below a poverty line calculated as less than one-half of the median individual income. An increasing number of individuals work under extremely insecure employment conditions and are dependent on public assistance for their survival.

Youth Unemployment and Social Exclusion in Sweden

For many years, near-full employment was a feature of the Swedish labour market. Unemployment had been very low since the end of the Second World War. However, this situation changed drastically in the 1990s: During the first three years of the decade, almost half a million jobs disappeared. In 1990, the national figure for total unemployment was about 3% (i.e., open unemployment, including those in special relief projects provided by the authorities to tackle local unemployment). Total unemployment then proceeded to rise fairly rapidly, reaching about 12% in 1993. However, over the same period, total unemployment among young people rose from about 6 to 26% (Lansarbetsnamnden, Varmland). The rapid downturn in the national economy hit some groups harder than others. From a class perspective, it was primarily industrial workers who lost their jobs. Between 1990 and 1993, over 200,000 jobs in the manufacturing industry and about 80,000 jobs in the building sector disappeared. From an ethnic perspective, it was immigrants and refugees who were hit hardest, while from a generational perspective it was young people who drew the shortest straw.

Youth Unemployment and Health in Sweden

For many years, full employment was a feature of the Swedish labour market, with unemployment rates having been very low since the end of the Second World War (Janlert, 1991). However, this situation changed drastically during the 90s. During the first three years of this decade almost half a million jobs disappeared. In 1990, the national figure for total unemployment was about 3% (open unemployment, including those in special relief projects provided by the authorities to tackle local unemployment) and proceeded to rise very rapidly reaching about 12% in 1993.

Annex 1: Understanding the health consequences of unemployment — the finance/shame model

Modern research into unemployment has shown that unemployment can result in social and health-related problems (see e.g. Hammarstrom, 1996; Janlert, 1991; Janlert, 1992; Brenner, Petterson, Levi & Arnetz, 1988). A considerable portion of the research that has been conducted to study the link between unemployment on one hand and social problems and ill health on the other hand has been, to a great degree, focussed on surveying the problem and was not based upon a theoretical concept. Still, interesting theoretical attempts can be found. Among the better known are Jahoda’s theory of the manifest and latent functions of employment (Jahoda, 1982), Warr’s theory of vitamins (Warr, 1987), Fryer’s agency theory (Fryer, 1986), Ezzy’s status passage theory (Ezzy, 1993), the theory of locus of control (O’Brien, 1986), the classical theory of stress (Janlert, 1991) as well as the theory of economic deprivation (Janlert, 1991). Among these, stress theory, in its more or less developed form, serves as the basis for an interpretation of the link between unemployment and ill health.

Unemployment: A Double Burden and a Public Issue

Almost all European countries suffer from mass unemployment. More than 20 million persons in Europe are out of work. When the unemployment rate reaches such levels it can be assumed that it has implications not only for each unemployed individual but also for society as a whole. In this article, a distinction is made between unemployment as a private trouble and unemployment as a public issue. This distinction with regard to unemployment was introduced by Mills (1959) and illuminates the different, although interrelated, effects of unemployment on the individual and on the overall structure of society. The private trouble perspective raises the question of how individuals are affected by unemployment and the public issue examaines how unemployment affects society as a whole. We apply the reasoning by first discussing the relations between individual consequences of unemployment. We focus on two often neglected aspects, namely, economic hardship and shame. Then the implications for working life and society are discussed. There is much evidence indicating that the social and health consequences of unemployment are not limited to the unemployed and their families but also affect the working life and the overall structure of society. It is argued that mass unemployment might increase the process of social disintegration in society.