Bidyut Chakrabarty

Jawaharlal Nehru and Planning, 1938–41: India at the Crossroads

The modern state is interventionist, and planning is an effective means to ascertain its control over the entire social process. As an operational tool, planning seems formidable to structure the role of the state in accordance with its ideological underpinning. Therefore, not only is planning as an instrument tuned to economic regeneration, it is inextricably tied to the regimes political preference as well. The aim here is not to argue for a deterministic network between planning and the ideological slant of the regime and its leadership and viceversa, but to show the complex interdependence which entails, at the same time, an interplay of various pulls and pressures in a rapidly changing social fabric. Colonial India provides us with a political system embedded in both the age-old and primordial value system and various other cultural influences which, inter alia reflected the systems absorption of alien value preferences. This obviously was not a smooth process, for India which drew on loyalties based on primordial ties strove to absorb new stimuli which had their roots in a completely different socio-political and economic environment; the result being tension among those presiding over the destiny of the country which had its reflection in the political discourse of the day. By concentrating on planning which, among other things, strove to transform India from a traditional to a modern society, the paper seeks to explain the difficulty facing the Congress stalwarts, Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose in particular, despite their confidence in planning as the only instrument to rejuvenate India after the British withdrawal.

Universal Benefit: Gandhi's doctrine of Trusteeship: A review article

Trusteeship is Gandhis conceptualization of the contribution of business houses towards social well-being. Trusteeship is a theoretical construct seeking to redefine the relationship between indigenous business houses and the nationalist movement. That Gandhi succeeded in persuading the business men to participate in the freedom struggle, despite adverse consequences, suggests the extent to which Trusteeship was an effective mechanism in political mobilization. Besides elaborating the concept, this paper also argues that Gandhi was indebted to Andrew Carnegie and John D. Ruskin, amongst others, in his effort to articulate Trusteeship as a bridge between business houses and the freedom struggle; and that this Gandhian idea is a forerunner of the contemporary conceptualization of Corporate Social Responsibility.

Indian Political Thought

Even before nationalism emerged as a decisive ideology in India, there was a long, rich, and diverse tradition of political thought. Broadly speaking, Kautilya, Barani, and Abul Fazal who respectively represent the ancient and medieval periods of Indian sociopolitical life, are recognized as major thinkers who not only expressed their views most systematically but also set the ideological tone for the period in which they articulated their lived experience. This entry focuses on their thinking, as exemplary of the premodern period, before commenting on some of the distinctive aspects of modern Indian political thought. Keywords: Gandhism; nation; nationalism

An alternative to partition: the United Bengal Scheme

(2003). An alternative to partition: the United Bengal Scheme. South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies: Vol. 26, No. 2, pp. 193-212.

Indian government and politics

Preface Introduction Salient Features of the Indian Constitution Federalism The Executive System in Theory and Practice Parliament State Executive The Judiciary Planning and Economic Development Statutory Institutions and Commissions The Indian Party System The Evolution of Indian Administration Panchayati Governance in India Major Issues in Indian Politics Conclusion Model Questions Index

Jawaharlal Nehru and administrative reconstruction in India: A Mere limitation of the past or a creative initiative?

When India won Independence in 1947 it inherited the previous colonial administration almost in its entirety. What had informed the British Raj administration was colonialism, whereas the governing...

The 'hut' and the 'axe': The 1947 Sylhet referendum

an unfolding of historical processes in which people were drawn spontaneously or under compulsion, and participated as significant actors in what was, among other things, ’a history of struggle’ for survival in changed circumstances following the construction of new political identities as Indians and Pakistanis. Independence came in 1947, but with it came Partition. Not simply a British decree, but various schemes in which different modalities were followed, divided India. For the accession of princely states, the consent of the rulers was sought to amicably settle the issue of amalgamation with either of the independent nations. The Muslim-majority provinces, Bengal and Punjab, had decided for partition by voting by the respective legislators. Under the chairmanship of Ceril Radcliffe, two Boundary Commissions were accordingly appointed to demarcate the boundaries. There was also a third way of referendum through which new boundaries were drawn, separating the two independent dominions. Following the outcome of the referendum, the fate of Sylhet in Assam and the North West Frontier Province was decided. All these modalities were clearly stated in Louis Mountbatten’s 3 June statement.

BR Ambedkar and the history of constitutionalizing India

BR Ambedkar is usually projected as a protagonist of social justice. But equally important was his role in constitutionalizing India, evident first in his witness to the 1919 Southborough Committee on Franchise, followed by his intervention in the 1930 Round Table Conference in London, where he defended compensatory discrimination for the untouchables in opposition to the Gandhi. The article argues that in so doing Ambedkar was evidently influenced by his teacher at the University of Columbia, John Dewey, who taught him the finer principles of liberalism. By comparing the views of Gandhi and Ambedkar on separate electorates and reservation, the article pursues the argument that unlike the former, Babasaheb sought to transform society through politics which, to him, meant the consolidation of constitutional values or endosmosis, or, to borrow George Grote’s expression, constitutional morality. On the basis of a thorough analysis of the principal arguments that he made to defend constitutional protection for compensatory discrimination, this article provides valuable insights showing the analytical basis of Babasaheb’s notion of social justice. Furthermore, his defence of liberal constitutional values also laid the foundation of a unique moral and political framework for public reasoning, a contribution that has not been adequately recognized in contemporary scholarship on Dalits, BR Ambedkar or social discrimination.

Political Mobilization in the Localities: The 1942 Quit India Movement in Midnapur

Following the adoption of 8 August resolution at Gowalia tank in Bombay, Indian masses rose to revolt, which became famous as the Quit India movement. It was a call for freedom. ‘Nothing less than freedom’, to quote Gandhi. Unlike the 1920–21 Non-cooperation and 1930–32 Civil Disobedience movements which were basically peaceful campaigns against the British rule in India, the Quit India movement was the ultimatum to the British for final withdrawal, a Gandhi-led un-Gandhian way of struggle since the Mahatma exhorted the people to take up arms in self-defence, and resort to armed resistance against a stronger and well-equipped aggressor.

Deepening Democracy in India: The Role of Women Parliamentarians and Their Challenges

Women as a gender category have encountered systemic disabilities woven around sociopolitical structures of dominance and deprivation in the past. However, today women are gradually proving to be an indispensible part of every sphere of life ranging from family to the larger domains of politics and economy. This paper attempts to examine the nature and scope of women’s role in the larger political landscape of India and tries to unravel the critical aspects linked to their assertion in the political structures, institutions, and policymaking processes. This paper also examines the roadblocks that prevented women from entering into the so-called male bastion which is evident from the number of their overall representation in the Indian Parliament. It attempts to understand whether women’s political participation and representation in the Parliament and legislatures has any bearing on the overall question of gender equality and gender justice, which will lead to their empowerment and emancipation in the society.