Billy Wong

Science Aspirations, Capital, and Family Habitus: How Families Shape Children’s Engagement and Identification With Science

Low participation rates in the study of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) post-16 are a matter of international concern. Existing evidence suggests children’s science aspirations are largely formed within the critical 10 to 14 age period. This article reports on survey data from over 9,000 elementary school children in England (age 10/11) and qualitative data from 160 semi-structured interviews (92 children aged 10/11 and 78 parents), collected as part of an ongoing 5-year longitudinal study in the United Kingdom tracking children from 10 to 14. Drawing on the conceptual framework of Bourdieu, the article explores how the interplay of family habitus and capital can make science aspirations more “thinkable” for some (notably middle-class) children than others. It is argued that while family habitus is not deterministic (there is no straightforward alignment between family habitus, capital, and a child’s science aspirations), social inequalities in the distribution of capital and differentially classed family habitus combine to produce uneven (classed, racialized) patterns in children’s science aspirations and potential future participation.

Spheres of influence: what shapes young people’s aspirations at age 12/13 and what are the implications for education policy?

Young people’s aspirations remain an enduring focus of education policy interest and concern. Drawing on data from an ongoing five-year study of young people’s science and career aspirations (age 10–14), this paper asks what do young people aspire to at age 12/13, and what influences these aspirations? It outlines the main aspirations and sources of these aspirations as expressed by young people in England in the last year of primary school (survey of 9000+ Y6 pupils, aged 10/11, interviews with 92 children and 76 parents) and the second year of secondary school (survey of 5600+ Y8 pupils, aged 12/13, interviews with 85 pupils). We demonstrate how aspirations are shaped by structural forces (e.g. social class, gender and ethnicity) and how different spheres of influence (home/family, school, hobbies/leisure activities and TV) appear to shape different types of aspirations. The paper concludes by considering the implications for educational policy and careers education.

‘Not girly, not sexy, not glamorous’: primary school girls’ and parents’ constructions of science aspirations 1

Internationally, there is widespread concern about the need to increase participation in the sciences (particularly the physical sciences), especially among girls/women. This paper draws on data from a five-year, longitudinal study of 10–14-year-old children’s science aspirations and career choice to explore the reasons why, even from a young age, many girls may see science aspirations as ‘not for me’. We discuss data from phase one – a survey of over 9000 primary school children (aged 10/11) and interviews with 92 children and 78 parents, focusing in particular on those girls who did not hold science aspirations. Using a feminist poststructuralist analytic lens, we argue that science aspirations are largely ‘unthinkable’ for these girls because they do not fit with either their constructions of desirable/intelligible femininity nor with their sense of themselves as learners/students. We argue that an underpinning construction of science careers as ‘clever’/‘brainy’, ‘not nurturing’ and ‘geeky’ sits in opposition to the girls’ self-identifications as ‘normal’, ‘girly’, ‘caring’ and ‘active’. Moreover, we suggest that this lack of fit is exacerbated by social inequalities, which render science aspirations potentially less thinkable for working-class girls in particular. The paper concludes with a discussion of potential implications for increasing women’s greater participation in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics).

Implications for Research and Policy

We have investigated the different ways in which British youths from Black Caribbean, Bangladeshi, Chinese, Indian and Pakistani backgrounds aspire to, identify with and participate in science (see Chapter 4). Informed by sociological theories, we have considered how social identities and inequalities of gender, class and race/ethnicity can influence students’ views and experiences of science (see Chapter 5). We engaged with Bourdieu’s notion of capital in the context of science (see Chapter 6) and we developed five ‘types’ of science participation (see Chapter 7). Essentially, we explored why members of some minority ethnic groups identify with science while members of other groups do not. This concluding chapter summarizes the key points of the study, with the focus on research and policy implications.

‘I’m good, but not that good’: digitally-skilled young people’s identity in computing

Abstract Computers and information technology are fast becoming a part of young people’s everyday life. However, there remains a difference between the majority who can use computers and the minority who are computer scientists or professionals. Drawing on 32 semi-structured interviews with digitally skilled young people (aged 13–19), we explore their views and aspirations in computing, with a focus on the identities and discourses that these youngsters articulate in relation to this field. Our findings suggest that, even among digitally skilled young people, traditional identities of computing as people who are clever but antisocial still prevail, which can be unattractive for youths, especially girls. Digitally skilled youths identify with computing in different ways and for different reasons. Most enjoy doing computing but few aspired to being a computer person. Implications of our findings for computing education are discussed especially the continued need to broaden identities in computing, even for the digitally skilled.

A blessing with a curse: model minority ethnic students and the construction of educational success

While concerns around minority ethnic students and underachievement have attracted considerable attention in educational research, such as in England, few studies have examined those who excel, except as reference to justify the equity of the established system. This paper explores the educational success of British Chinese and Indian students, who are synonymously recognised as the model minority due to their tendency to achieve exceptional grades in national examinations. Data in this paper includes four discussion groups and 23 semi-structured interviews with British Chinese and Indian students (aged 11–14) and six teacher interviews. This study explores the social costs and benefits of the label of model minority and how these students attributed with such an identity construct and interpret educational success. Although high expectations by self and by others can positively contribute to the educational success of British Chinese and Indian students, inflated expectations can also generate a continuous sense of insecurity. Model minority students must contemplate the fear of failure and the potential damage they could inflict on the reputation of their family. Implications of the identity of model minority for students, teachers and policy are suggested.

Let me entertain you: the ambivalent role of university lecturers as educators and performers

Abstract In England, higher education is more marketised than ever before as the difference between students and consumers is increasingly blurred, propelled by the rise in tuition fees. With students demanding more for their money, the role of university lecturers continues to change. This study explores the ways in which lecturers re-evaluate and reconstruct their roles and responsibilities in light of heightened student expectations. We draw on 30 in-depth interviews with lecturers from the social sciences, across two post-1992 universities in England, where tuition fees have tripled since 2012. We focus on lecturers’ views and experiences of student expectations, as well as the support available to students as we shift towards a more consumerist approach in higher education. We find examples of tension between academic values and consumeristic student expectations as lecturers discuss their precarious positions as an educator as well as an entertainer. We believe that the expanding role of lecturers merits an urgent review at the institutional and national level, to promote and ensure clarity of the boundaries and expectations of teaching staff.

Is Science for Us

Proponents of science equity have argued that contemporary science is a subculture of Western or Euro-American culture (Aikenhead, 1996), with the acronym WMS (‘White Male Science’) reflecting the foundation of modern science. That is, modern science emerged through the discoveries of White, privileged men. For example, famous scientists (in Western cultures at least) might include Newton, Einstein and Hawking. There have, of course, been many other scientific discoveries across our history but these are not always celebrated with the same prestige. We can argue that the Chinese invented gunpowder or the Romans conceived aqueducts, but these are often recognized in historical terms and attributed to nations or the collectives, rather than the individual.

By Chance or by Plan?: The Academic Success of Nontraditional Students in Higher Education:

In the United Kingdom, a “good” undergraduate degree is understood to be a “first class” or an “upper second class,” which is achieved by three-quarters of students. The need to distinguish oneself from others is ever more important in an increasingly crowded graduate market, although a first-class degree is most likely achieved by privileged students. Informed by Bourdieu’s theory of habitus and capital, this study explores the educational experiences and trajectories of 30 final-year high-achieving nontraditional (HANT) students through in-depth interviews. These include working-class, minority ethnic, and/or mature students at university. We found that prior development in academic study skills and the desire to prove oneself, often in response to previous negative experiences, are key ingredients in academic success. Our HANT students also seem to find inspiration or support from significant others, an educational capital, although these resources are often by chance rather than by plan. Implications for policy and practice are suggested.

The New Computing Curriculum in English Schools: A Statistical Analysis of Student Participation (Abstract Only)

In 2014 English schools undertook a shift from a mainly ICT based curriculum to one that focuses on computer science. Qualifications in computing have been introduced and ICT was subsequently phased out. The question now arises as to whether the students who would have previously taken ICT qualifications are now taking the new computer science courses. Using student data for all English examinations taken by 16 and 18 year olds, we have profiled the student cohorts taking ICT and computing, as well as the schools offering them. We have analyzed the differences between these two cohorts in terms of prior attainment, course outcomes, gender, socio-economic groupings, ethnicity, and geographic spread. We find that there are large differences between the two groups: computing has far fewer female, working class and particular minority ethnic students. Computing students tend to have achieved better in mathematics than their ICT peers, and there is some evidence that academic selection criteria are being used to restrict entry. We conclude that it is unlikely that all, or even most, students who would have previously sat ICT qualifications will now sit qualifications in computer science. The shift in curriculum and examinations may have produced a less inclusive subject.