Boris Forthmann

Typing Speed as a Confounding Variable and the Measurement of Quality in Divergent Thinking

The need to control for writing or typing speed when assessing divergent-thinking performance has been recognized since the early ‘90s. An even longer tradition in divergent-thinking research has the issue of scoring the responses for quality. This research addressed both issues within structural equation modeling. Three dimensions of originality—uncommonness, remoteness, and cleverness—were used to derive an overall quality score. Mixed evidence was found in Study 1 for the direct effect of typing speed on fluency. In addition, indirect effects of typing speed via cognitive complexity on overall quality of ideas were uncovered but marginal in both Study 1 and Study 2. This indirect effect was also found for cleverness in Study 2. Another indirect effects of typing speed via fluency was found for cleverness and uncommonness. These findings indicate that controlling for typing speed is important in online divergent-thinking assessment. The inter-relations of various quality scores pertaining to the dimensions of uncommonness, remoteness, and cleverness were promising in terms of convergent validity. Important problems with respect to these scores were identified and discussed to guide future attempts to measure quality in DT.

The Effect of Forced Language Switching during Divergent Thinking: A Study on Bilinguals’ Originality of Ideas

In the present study we experimentally manipulated language switching among bilinguals who indicated to be more or less habitual language switchers in daily life. Our aim was to investigate the impact of forced language switching on originality of produced ideas during divergent thinking, conditional on the level of habitual language switching. A sample of bilinguals was randomly assigned to perform alternate uses tasks (AUT’s), which explicitly required them to either switch languages, or to use only one language while performing the tasks. We found that those who were instructed to switch languages during the AUT’s were able to generate ideas that were on average more original, than those who were instructed to use only one language during the AUT’s, but only at higher levels of habitual language switching. At low levels of habitual language switching, the effect reversed, and participants who were instructed to use only one language found ideas that were on average more original, than participants who were required to switch languages during the AUT’s. Implications and limitations are discussed.