Bronwen S. Whitney

Distal deposition of tephra from the Eyjafjallajökull 2010 summit eruption

The 2010 Eyjafjallajokull lasted 39 days and had 4 different phases, of which the first and third (14-18 April and 5-6 May) were most intense. Most of this period was dominated by winds with a northerly component that carried tephra toward Europe, where it was deposited in a number of locations and was sampled by rain gauges or buckets, surface swabs, sticky-tape samples and air filtering. In the UK, tephra was collected from each of the Phases 1-3 with a combined range of latitudes spanning the length of the country. The modal grain size of tephra in the rain gauge samples was 25 mu m, but the largest grains were 100 mu m in diameter and highly vesicular. The mass loading was equivalent to 8-218 shards cm(-2), which is comparable to tephra layers from much larger past eruptions. Falling tephra was collected on sticky tape in the English Midlands on 19, 20 and 21st April (Phase 2), and was dominated by aggregate clasts (mean diameter 85 mu m, component grains <10 mu m). SEM-EDS spectra for aggregate grains contained an extra peak for sulphur, when compared to control samples from the volcano, indicating that they were cemented by sulphur-rich minerals e. g. gypsum (CaSO4 center dot H2O). Air quality monitoring stations did not record fluctuations in hourly PM10 concentrations outside the normal range of variability during the eruption, but there was a small increase in 24-hour running mean concentration from 21-24 April (Phase 2). Deposition of tephra from Phase 2 in the UK indicates that transport of tephra from Iceland is possible even for small eruption plumes given suitable wind conditions. The presence of relatively coarse grains adds uncertainty to concentration estimates from air quality sensors, which are most sensitive to grain sizes <10 mu m. Elsewhere, tephra was collected from roofs and vehicles in the Faroe Islands (mean grain size 40 mu m, but 100 mu m common), from rainwater in Bergen in Norway (23-91 mu m) and in air filters in Budapest, Hungary (2-6 mu m). A map is presented summarizing these and other recently published examples of distal tephra deposition from the Eyjafjallajokull eruption. It demonstrates that most tephra deposited on mainland Europe was produced in the highly explosive Phase 1 and was carried there in 2-3 days.

Fire-free land use in pre-1492 Amazonian savannas

The nature and scale of pre-Columbian land use and the consequences of the 1492 “Columbian Encounter” (CE) on Amazonia are among the more debated topics in New World archaeology and paleoecology. However, pre-Columbian human impact in Amazonian savannas remains poorly understood. Most paleoecological studies have been conducted in neotropical forest contexts. Of studies done in Amazonian savannas, none has the temporal resolution needed to detect changes induced by either climate or humans before and after A.D. 1492, and only a few closely integrate paleoecological and archaeological data. We report a high-resolution 2,150-y paleoecological record from a French Guianan coastal savanna that forces reconsideration of how pre-Columbian savanna peoples practiced raised-field agriculture and how the CE impacted these societies and environments. Our combined pollen, phytolith, and charcoal analyses reveal unexpectedly low levels of biomass burning associated with pre-A.D. 1492 savanna raised-field agriculture and a sharp increase in fires following the arrival of Europeans. We show that pre-Columbian raised-field farmers limited burning to improve agricultural production, contrasting with extensive use of fire in pre-Columbian tropical forest and Central American savanna environments, as well as in present-day savannas. The charcoal record indicates that extensive fires in the seasonally flooded savannas of French Guiana are a post-Columbian phenomenon, postdating the collapse of indigenous populations. The discovery that pre-Columbian farmers practiced fire-free savanna management calls into question the widely held assumption that pre-Columbian Amazonian farmers pervasively used fire to manage and alter ecosystems and offers fresh perspectives on an emerging alternative approach to savanna land use and conservation that can help reduce carbon emissions.

Environmental impact of geometric earthwork construction in pre-Columbian Amazonia

Significance The discovery of extensive geometric earthworks beneath apparently pristine rainforest across southern Amazonia has fueled debate over the scale of environmental impact caused by ancient human societies. Whereas some claim that these sites are evidence of vast deforestation by populous pre-Columbian (pre-A.D. 1492) societies, others propose a model of small-scale, localized clearance. We tested these contrasting hypotheses by reconstructing environmental change in a region of geometric earthworks in northeast Bolivia over the last 6,000 y. Our unexpected findings reveal a surprising third scenario, in which earthwork builders took advantage of a naturally open savanna landscape, which existed under drier-than-present climatic conditions before ∼2,000 y ago. This finding suggests lower environmental impact, less labor, and possibly a smaller population than previously assumed. There is considerable controversy over whether pre-Columbian (pre-A.D. 1492) Amazonia was largely “pristine” and sparsely populated by slash-and-burn agriculturists, or instead a densely populated, domesticated landscape, heavily altered by extensive deforestation and anthropogenic burning. The discovery of hundreds of large geometric earthworks beneath intact rainforest across southern Amazonia challenges its status as a pristine landscape, and has been assumed to indicate extensive pre-Columbian deforestation by large populations. We tested these assumptions using coupled local- and regional-scale paleoecological records to reconstruct land use on an earthwork site in northeast Bolivia within the context of regional, climate-driven biome changes. This approach revealed evidence for an alternative scenario of Amazonian land use, which did not necessitate labor-intensive rainforest clearance for earthwork construction. Instead, we show that the inhabitants exploited a naturally open savanna landscape that they maintained around their settlement despite the climatically driven rainforest expansion that began ∼2,000 y ago across the region. Earthwork construction and agriculture on terra firme landscapes currently occupied by the seasonal rainforests of southern Amazonia may therefore not have necessitated large-scale deforestation using stone tools. This finding implies far less labor—and potentially lower population density—than previously supposed. Our findings demonstrate that current debates over the magnitude and nature of pre-Columbian Amazonian land use, and its impact on global biogeochemical cycling, are potentially flawed because they do not consider this land use in the context of climate-driven forest–savanna biome shifts through the mid-to-late Holocene.

Pre-Columbian raised-field agriculture and land use in the Bolivian Amazon

We present an integrated palaeoecological and archaeobotanical study of pre-Columbian raised-field agriculture in the Llanos de Moxos, a vast seasonally inundated forest–savanna mosaic in the Bolivian Amazon. Phytoliths from excavated raised-field soil units, together with pollen and charcoal in sediment cores from two oxbow lakes, were analysed to provide a history of land use and agriculture at the El Cerro raised-field site. The construction of raised fields involved the removal of savanna trees, and gallery forest was cleared from the area by ad 310. Despite the low fertility of Llanos de Moxos soils, we determined that pre-Columbian raised-field agriculture sufficiently improved soil conditions for maize cultivation. Fire was used as a common management practice until ad 1300, at which point, the land-use strategy shifted towards less frequent burning of savannas and raised fields. Alongside a reduction in the use of fire, sweet potato cultivation and the exploitation of Inga fruits formed part of a mixed resource strategy from ad 1300 to 1450. The pre-Columbian impact on the landscape began to lessen around ad 1450, as shown by an increase in savanna trees and gallery forest. Although agriculture at the site began to decline prior to European arrival, the abandonment of raised fields was protracted, with evidence of sweet potato cultivation occurring as late as ad 1800.

An improved methodology for the recovery of Zea mays and other large crop pollen, with implications for environmental archaeology in the Neotropics

We present a simple sieving methodology to aid the recovery of large cultigen pollen grains, such as maize (Zea mays L.), manioc (Manihot esculenta Crantz), and sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas L.), among others, for the detection of food production using fossil pollen analysis of lake sediments in the tropical Americas. The new methodology was tested on three large study lakes located next to known and/or excavated pre-Columbian archaeological sites in South and Central America. Five paired samples, one treated by sieving, the other prepared using standard methodology, were compared for each of the three sites. Using the new methodology, chemically digested sediment samples were passed through a 53 µm sieve, and the residue was retained, mounted in silicone oil, and counted for large cultigen pollen grains. The filtrate was mounted and analysed for pollen according to standard palynological procedures. Zea mays (L.) was recovered from the sediments of all three study lakes using the sieving technique, where no cultigen pollen had been previously recorded using the standard methodology. Confidence intervals demonstrate there is no significant difference in pollen assemblages between the sieved versus unsieved samples. Equal numbers of exotic Lycopodium spores added to both the filtrate and residue of the sieved samples allow for direct comparison of cultigen pollen abundance with the standard terrestrial pollen count. Our technique enables the isolation and rapid scanning for maize and other cultigen pollen in lake sediments, which, in conjunction with charcoal and pollen records, is key to determining land-use patterns and the environmental impact of pre-Columbian societies.

Pre-Columbian land use in the ring-ditch region of the Bolivian Amazon

The nature and extent of pre-Columbian (pre-AD 1492) human impact in Amazonia is a contentious issue. The Bolivian Amazon has yielded some of the most impressive evidence for large and complex pre-Columbian societies in the Amazon basin, yet there remains relatively little data concerning the land use of these societies over time. Palaeoecology, when integrated with archaeological data, has the potential to fill these gaps in our knowledge. We present a 6000-year record of anthropogenic burning, agriculture and vegetation change, from an oxbow lake located adjacent to a pre-Columbian ring ditch in north-east Bolivia (13°15′44″S, 63°42′37″W). Human occupation around the lake site is inferred from pollen and phytoliths of maize (Zea mays L.) and macroscopic charcoal evidence of anthropogenic burning. First occupation around the lake was radiocarbon dated to ~2500 calibrated years before present (BP). The persistence of maize in the record from ~1850 BP suggests that it was an important crop grown in the ring-ditch region in pre-Columbian times, and abundant macroscopic charcoal suggests that pre-Columbian land management entailed more extensive burning of the landscape than the slash-and-burn agriculture practised around the site today. The site was occupied continuously until near-modern times, although there is evidence for a decline in agricultural intensity or change in land-use strategy, and possible population decline, from ~600–500 BP. The long and continuous occupation, which predates the establishment of rainforest in the region, suggests that pre-Columbian land use may have had a significant influence on ecosystem development at this site over the last ~2000 years.

A late-Holocene vegetation history from the Maya lowlands, Lamanai, Northern Belize

A 3 m core from the New River Lagoon, adjacent to the Maya city of Lamanai, Northern Belize, contains a continuous record of vegetation change between c. 1500 bc and ad 1500. Inferred changes in forest abundance and plant community assemblage build on previous palaeolimnological analysis of the same core reported by Metcalfe et al. (2009). A near-complete, abundant record of Zea mays grains provides a detailed account of field-based agriculture local to Lamanai, in the context of a regional record obtained from a large lake (13.5 km2) with a substantial catchment. Three periods (c. 170 bc–ad 150, c. ad 600–980 and c. ad 1500) of extraction of Pinus from pine savannas adjacent to the east of the New River Lagoon, can be distinguished from clearance of seasonal broadleaf forest for agriculture. An increased palm signal is observed during c. 1630–1150 bc and 100 bc–ad 1100 and may be indicative of Maya cultivation. This record shows that during the late Classic period the Maya actively managed the vegetation resources using a combination of field-based agriculture, arboreal resources and perhaps, palm cultivation. There is no evidence from the vegetation history of drying during the late Classic coincident with the Maya ‘collapse’ and this is consistent with the palaeolimnological and archaeological records of continuous occupation of the Maya at Lamanai. Both the decline in palms c. ad 1400 and the increase in Pinus extraction c. ad 1500 are consistent with changes in vegetation associated with European arrival, however further analysis of material from the last 1000 years will enable a better understanding of vegetation change pre- and post-European encounter.

Fire, climate and vegetation linkages in the Bolivian Chiquitano seasonally dry tropical forest

South American seasonally dry tropical forests (SDTFs) are critically endangered, with only a small proportion of their original distribution remaining. This paper presents a 12 000 year reconstruction of climate change, fire and vegetation dynamics in the Bolivian Chiquitano SDTF, based upon pollen and charcoal analysis, to examine the resilience of this ecosystem to drought and fire. Our analysis demonstrates a complex relationship between climate, fire and floristic composition over multi-millennial time scales, and reveals that moisture variability is the dominant control upon community turnover in this ecosystem. Maximum drought during the Early Holocene, consistent with regional drought reconstructions, correlates with a period of significant fire activity between 8000 and 7000 cal yr BP which resulted in a decrease in SDTF diversity. As fire activity declined but severe regional droughts persisted through the Middle Holocene, SDTFs, including Anadenanthera and Astronium, became firmly established in the Bolivian lowlands. The trend of decreasing fire activity during the last two millennia promotes the idea among forest ecologists that SDTFs are threatened by fire. Our analysis shows that the Chiquitano seasonally dry biome has been more resilient to Holocene changes in climate and fire regime than previously assumed, but raises questions over whether this resilience will continue in the future under increased temperatures and drought coupled with a higher frequency anthropogenic fire regime. This article is part of the themed issue ‘The interaction of fire and mankind’.

Out of Amazonia: Late-Holocene climate change and the Tupi–Guarani trans-continental expansion

The late-Holocene expansion of the Tupi–Guarani languages from southern Amazonia to SE South America constitutes one of the largest expansions of any linguistic family in the world, spanning ~4000 km between latitudes 0°S and 35°S at about 2.5k cal. yr BP. However, the underlying reasons for this expansion are a matter of debate. Here, we compare continental-scale palaeoecological, palaeoclimate and archaeological datasets, to examine the role of climate change in facilitating the expansion of this forest-farming culture. Because this expansion lies within the path of the South American Low-Level Jet, the key mechanism for moisture transport across lowland South America, we were able to explore the relationship between climate change, forest expansion and the Tupi–Guarani. Our data synthesis shows broad synchrony between late-Holocene increasing precipitation and southerly expansion of both tropical forest and Guarani archaeological sites – the southernmost branch of the Tupi–Guarani. We conclude that climate change likely facilitated the agricultural expansion of the Guarani forest-farming culture by increasing the area of forested landscape that they could exploit, showing a prime example of ecological opportunism.

Long-Term Perspectives on Tropical Forest–Savanna Dynamics in Lowland Bolivia from the Last Ice Age Until Present

Tropical forest–savanna ecotones are of considerable interest to biologists due to their high habitat heterogeneity (beta diversity), importance in rainforest speciation (Smith et al. 1997), and, for those climatically controlled ecotones, the manner of their response to future climate change (IPCC 2007). Forest–savanna transitions may be governed by any number of factors, including soil type, fire, hydrology, disturbance (both natural and anthropogenic), as well as climate, in particular the seasonality of precipitation (Furley et al. 1992). Determining the underlying control for a forest–savanna transition in a particular location may therefore not be straightforward and may differ markedly among forest–savanna ecotones, even when in relatively close geographic proximity.