Bruno Wilhelm Speck

Financiamento eleitoral, representação politica e gênero: uma analise das eleições de 2006

This article compares campaign revenue of female and male candidates to the positions of Federal and State Deputies in the elections of 2006, in Brazil. Based on analysis of disaggregated statistical data by sex, provided by the Superior Electoral Tribunal, it was considered if women and men raise different amounts of campaign revenue, and the extent to which this might constitute an explaining factor for womens low electoral performance. Data provide evidence that women have campaign revenues significantly smaller than men and that given the existing high correlation between campaign finance and electoral success, this may constitute a central element in explaining their low performance in elections.

A compra de votos: uma aproximação empírica

The author presents the results of a national survey on vote buying during the local elections in Braszil in 2000. In his analysis he places vote buying into the broader historical perspective of electoral and other forms of manipulation and corruption. Specific methodological questions of surveys on such critical questions like fraude and corruption are discussed

Upgrading Democracy in Mozambique: the Question of Party and Election Finance

In December 2004 Mozambique held national multiparty elections for the President and National Assembly (Assembleia da Republica), ten years on from the first elections which signalled the end of the long civil war. The opponents are still the same as they were in the time of armed struggle: Frente de Libertacao de Mocambique (Frelimo), the organisation which fought from the early 1960s for independence from Portugal, and subsequently held political power from 1975; and Resistencia National Mocambicana (Renamo), a movement of armed rebels against the Frelimo regime, initially sponsored by neighbouring countries, but more latterly emerging as a gathering point for internal opposition to the regime (Manning, 1998). The General Peace Agreement (Acordo Gerai de Paz) was signed in 1992 by the emissaries of both parties in conflict, and initiated a new era of struggle for political power in Mozambique by the erstwhile warring factions. A one party regime changed to a pluralist and competitive political system (see Carbone, 2003), initiated unilaterally by Frelimo when the party abandoned its Marxist-Leninist one party doctrine in 1989, and later institutionalised in the new Constitution of November 1990. Given Mozambique’s historical record, this move from war to peaceful power struggle, although with constrictions and setbacks, is a radical step forward.2

O dinheiro importa menos para os candidatos evangélicos

Este artigo se insere nos estudos sobre o impacto do dinheiro sobre o desempenho eleitoral de candidatos em eleicoes legislativas. Mais especificamente dialogamos com a literatura que analisa se os recursos financeiros importam mais para candidatos com determinados perfis. Para as eleicoes de 2010 e 2014 para os cargos de deputado federal e estadual, verificamos que, para os candidatos que se apresentam como evangelicos, o dinheiro tem um peso menor para alavancar as campanhas eleitorais. Identificamos esses candidatos atraves do seu nome de urna, uma tecnica usada em pesquisas anteriores. O mecanismo causal que explica esse efeito menor do dinheiro sobre as candidaturas evangelicas e a mobilizacao do capital simbolico e real das igrejas protestantes. Esse resultado se alinha com outras pesquisas que mostram o valor relativo do dinheiro para alavancar o desempenho nas urnas. Candidatos que dispoem de outros mecanismos para acessar e mobilizar potenciais eleitores, como o apoio institucional da igreja, o acesso aos fieis e os recursos nao contabilizados, dependem menos dos recursos financeiros declarados do que os seus competidores.