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Ecology and Society | 2004

Resilience, Adaptability and Transformability in Social–ecological Systems

Brian Walker; C. S. Holling; Stephen R. Carpenter; Ann P. Kinzig

The concept of resilience has evolved considerably since Holling’s (1973) seminal paper. Different interpretations of what is meant by resilience, however, cause confusion. Resilience of a system needs to be considered in terms of the attributes that govern the system’s dynamics. Three related attributes of social– ecological systems (SESs) determine their future trajectories: resilience, adaptability, and transformability. Resilience (the capacity of a system to absorb disturbance and reorganize while undergoing change so as to still retain essentially the same function, structure, identity, and feedbacks) has four components—latitude, resistance, precariousness, and panarchy—most readily portrayed using the metaphor of a stability landscape. Adaptability is the capacity of actors in the system to influence resilience (in a SES, essentially to manage it). There are four general ways in which this can be done, corresponding to the four aspects of resilience. Transformability is the capacity to create a fundamentally new system when ecological, economic, or social structures make the existing system untenable. The implications of this interpretation of SES dynamics for sustainability science include changing the focus from seeking optimal states and the determinants of maximum sustainable yield (the MSY paradigm), to resilience analysis, adaptive resource management, and adaptive governance. INTRODUCTION An inherent difficulty in the application of these concepts is that, by their nature, they are rather imprecise. They fall into the same sort of category as “justice” or “wellbeing,” and it can be counterproductive to seek definitions that are too narrow. Because different groups adopt different interpretations to fit their understanding and purpose, however, there is confusion in their use. The confusion then extends to how a resilience approach (Holling 1973, Gunderson and Holling 2002) can contribute to the goals of sustainable development. In what follows, we provide an interpretation and an explanation of how these concepts are reflected in the adaptive cycles of complex, multi-scalar SESs. We need a better scientific basis for sustainable development than is generally applied (e.g., a new “sustainability science”). The “Consortium for Sustainable Development” (of the International Council for Science, the Initiative on Science and Technology for Sustainability, and the Third World Academy of Science), the US National Research Council (1999, 2002), and the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (2003), have all focused increasing attention on such notions as robustness, vulnerability, and risk. There is good reason for this, as it is these characteristics of social–ecological systems (SESs) that will determine their ability to adapt to and benefit from change. In particular, the stability dynamics of all linked systems of humans and nature emerge from three complementary attributes: resilience, adaptability, and transformability. The purpose of this paper is to examine these three attributes; what they mean, how they interact, and their implications for our future well-being. There is little fundamentally new theory in this paper. What is new is that it uses established theory of nonlinear stability (Levin 1999, Scheffer et al. 2001, Gunderson and Holling 2002, Berkes et al. 2003) to clarify, explain, and diagnose known examples of regional development, regional poverty, and regional CSIRO Sustainable Ecosystems; University of Wisconsin-Madison; Arizona State University Ecology and Society 9(2): 5. http://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol9/iss2/art5 sustainability. These include, among others, the Everglades and the Wisconsin Northern Highlands Lake District in the USA, rangelands and an agricultural catchment in southeastern Australia, the semi-arid savanna in southeastern Zimbabwe, the Kristianstad “Water Kingdom” in southern Sweden, and the Mae Ping valley in northern Thailand. These regions provide examples of both successes and failures of development. Some from rich countries have generated several pulses of solutions over a span of a hundred years and have generated huge costs of recovery (the Everglades). Some from poor countries have emerged in a transformed way but then, in some cases, have been dragged back by higher-level autocratic regimes (Zimbabwe). Some began as localscale solutions and then developed as transformations across scales from local to regional (Kristianstad and northern Wisconsin). In all of them, the outcomes were determined by the interplay of their resilience, adaptability, and transformability. There is a major distinction between resilience and adaptability, on the one hand, and transformability on the other. Resilience and adaptability have to do with the dynamics of a particular system, or a closely related set of systems. Transformability refers to fundamentally altering the nature of a system. As with many terms under the resilience rubric, the dividing line between “closely related” and “fundamentally altered” can be fuzzy, and subject to interpretation. So we begin by first offering the most general, qualitative set of definitions, without reference to conceptual frameworks, that can be used to describe these terms. We then use some examples and the literature on “basins of attraction” and “stability landscapes” to further refine our definitions. Before giving the definitions, however, we need to briefly introduce the concept of adaptive cycles. Adaptive Cycles and Cross-scale Effects The dynamics of SESs can be usefully described and analyzed in terms of a cycle, known as an adaptive cycle, that passes through four phases. Two of them— a growth and exploitation phase (r) merging into a conservation phase (K)—comprise a slow, cumulative forward loop of the cycle, during which the dynamics of the system are reasonably predictable. As the K phase continues, resources become increasingly locked up and the system becomes progressively less flexible and responsive to external shocks. It is eventually, inevitably, followed by a chaotic collapse and release phase (Ω) that rapidly gives way to a phase of reorganization (α), which may be rapid or slow, and during which, innovation and new opportunities are possible. The Ω and α phases together comprise an unpredictable backloop. The α phase leads into a subsequent r phase, which may resemble the previous r phase or be significantly different. This metaphor of the adaptive cycle is based on observed system changes, and does not imply fixed, regular cycling. Systems can move back from K toward r, or from r directly into Ω, or back from α to Ω. Finally (and importantly), the cycles occur at a number of scales and SESs exist as “panarchies”— adaptive cycles interacting across multiple scales. These cross-scale effects are of great significance in the dynamics of SESs.


Ecosystems | 2001

Understanding the Complexity of Economic, Ecological, and Social Systems

C. S. Holling

Hierarchies and adaptive cycles comprise the basis of ecosystems and social-ecological systems across scales. Together they form a panarchy. The panarchy describes how a healthy system can invent and experiment, benefiting from inventions that create opportunity while being kept safe from those that destabilize because of their nature or excessive exuberance. Each level is allowed to operate at its own pace, protected from above by slower, larger levels but invigorated from below by faster, smaller cycles of innovation. The whole panarchy is therefore both creative and conserving. The interactions between cycles in a panarchy combine learning with continuity. An analysis of this process helps to clarify the meaning of “sustainable development.” Sustainability is the capacity to create, test, and maintain adaptive capability. Development is the process of creating, testing, and maintaining opportunity. The phrase that combines the two, “sustainable development,” thus refers to the goal of fostering adaptive capabilities and creating opportunities. It is therefore not an oxymoron but a term that describes a logical partnership.


AMBIO: A Journal of the Human Environment | 2002

Resilience and Sustainable Development: Building Adaptive Capacity in a World of Transformations

Carl Folke; Steve Carpenter; Thomas Elmqvist; Lance Gunderson; C. S. Holling; Brian Walker

Abstract Emerging recognition of two fundamental errors under-pinning past polices for natural resource issues heralds awareness of the need for a worldwide fundamental change in thinking and in practice of environmental management. The first error has been an implicit assumption that ecosystem responses to human use are linear, predictable and controllable. The second has been an assumption that human and natural systems can be treated independently. However, evidence that has been accumulating in diverse regions all over the world suggests that natural and social systems behave in nonlinear ways, exhibit marked thresholds in their dynamics, and that social-ecological systems act as strongly coupled, complex and evolving integrated systems. This article is a summary of a report prepared on behalf of the Environmental Advisory Council to the Swedish Government, as input to the process of the World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) in Johannesburg, South Africa in 26 August 4 September 2002. We use the concept of resilience—the capacity to buffer change, learn and develop—as a framework for understanding how to sustain and enhance adaptive capacity in a complex world of rapid transformations. Two useful tools for resilience-building in social-ecological systems are structured scenarios and active adaptive management. These tools require and facilitate a social context with flexible and open institutions and multi-level governance systems that allow for learning and increase adaptive capacity without foreclosing future development options.


Ecological Monographs | 1992

Cross-Scale Morphology, Geometry, and Dynamics of Ecosystems

C. S. Holling

Community ecology and ecosystem ecology seem to have existed in different worlds. Levin (1989) suggests that the gulf between the two is the consequence of the different historical traditions in each. Community ecology, for example, emerged from basic studies, where generalized patterns were sought in the natural interactions among the biota. From the outset, the goal has been to deduce general and simple theory. On the other hand, many of the modelling approaches developed to understand ecosystem dynamics emerged from specific applied problems, where not only biotic but abiotic and human disturbances transformed ecosystem function. That tradition, therefore, is often more complete, but at the price of producing a collection of complex specific examples from which generalization is difficult.


Journal of Wildlife Management | 1997

Barriers and bridges to the renewal of ecosystems and institutions

Lance Gunderson; C. S. Holling; Stephen S. Light

This volume uses a series of case studies to test an emerging theory of complex adaptive systems that forms the basis for explaining the interrelated dynamics of ecosystems, institutions and society. It deals equally with institutional organization and ecosystem structure.


Ecology | 1990

Large‐Scale Management Experiments and Learning by Doing

Carl J. Walters; C. S. Holling

Even unmanaged ecosystems are characterized by combinations of stability and instability and by unexpected shifts in behavior from both internal and external causes. That is even more true of ecosystems managed for the production of food or fiber. Data are sparse, knowledge of processes limited, and the act of management changes the system being managed. Surprise and change is inevitable. Here we review methods to develop, screen, and evaluate alternatives in a process where management itself becomes partner with science by designing probes that produce updated understanding as well as economic product. See full-text article at JSTOR


Ecosystems | 1998

Ecological Resilience, Biodiversity, and Scale

Garry D. Peterson; Craig R. Allen; C. S. Holling

ABSTRACT We describe existing models of the relationship between species diversity and ecological function, and propose a conceptual model that relates species richness, ecological resilience, and scale. We suggest that species interact with scale-dependent sets of ecological structures and processes that determine functional opportunities. We propose that ecological resilience is generated by diverse, but overlapping, function within a scale and by apparently redundant species that operate at different scales, thereby reinforcing function across scales. The distribution of functional diversity within and across scales enables regeneration and renewal to occur following ecological disruption over a wide range of scales.


Ecology and Society | 2006

Shooting the Rapids: Navigating Transitions to Adaptive Governance of Social-Ecological Systems

Per Olsson; Lance Gunderson; Steve Carpenter; Paul Ryan; Louis Lebel; Carl Folke; C. S. Holling

The case studies of Kristianstads Vattenrike, Sweden; the Northern Highlands Lake District and the Everglades in the USA; the Mae Nam Ping Basin, Thailand; and the Goulburn-Broken Catchment, Australia, were compared to assess the outcome of different actions for transforming social-ecological systems (SESs). The transformations consisted of two phases, a preparation phase and a transition phase, linked by a window of opportunity. Key leaders and shadow networks can prepare a system for change by exploring alternative system configurations and developing strategies for choosing from among possible futures. Key leaders can recognize and use or create windows of opportunity and navigate transitions toward adaptive governance. Leadership functions include the ability to span scales of governance, orchestrate networks, integrate and communicate understanding, and reconcile different problem domains. Successful transformations rely on epistemic and shadow networks to provide novel ideas and ways of governing SESs. We conclude by listing some rules of thumb” that can help build leadership and networks for successful transformations toward adaptive governance of social-ecological systems.


Journal of Ecology | 1981

STABILITY OF SEMI-ARID SAVANNA GRAZING SYSTEMS

Brian Walker; D. LUDWIGt; C. S. Holling; R. M. PETERMANt

SUMMARY (2) The model is based on Walters two layer hypothesis. Woody vegetation and grasses compete for water in the surface layers of the soil, but woody vegetation has exclusive access to a source of water relatively deep underground. Where there is only a small biomass of grass the soil surface tends to become impermeable and, in these conditions, the model shows that two different steady states may develop: with a lot of woody vegetation alone, or with a relatively large biomass of grass and rather little woody vegetation. (3) The results are discussed in terms of the concept of resilience. The continued existence of both stable states under ranching conditions seems to depend on periodic heavy, or over-, grazing which allows for the maintenance of unpalatable or unstable grass species, which thus set a minimum to grass biomass-a minimum which cannot be reduced by herbivores. (4) Comparison of the dynamics of various savanna and other natural systems leads to the conclusion that the resilience of the systems decreases as their stability (usually induced) increases.


Ecological Economics | 1995

Economic growth, carrying capacity, and the environment

Kenneth J. Arrow; Bert Bolin; Robert Costanza; Partha Dasgupta; Carl Folke; C. S. Holling; Bengt Owe Jansson; Simon A. Levin; Karl Göran Mäler; Charles Perrings; David Pimentel

Nat iona l and international economic policy has usually ignored the environment. In areas where the environment is beginning to impinge on policy, as in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), it remains a tangential concern, and the presumption is often made that economic growth and economic liberalization (including the liberalization of intemational trade) are, in some sense, good for the environment. This notion has meant that economy-wide policy reforms designed to promote growth and liberalization have been encouraged with little regard to their environmental consequences, presumably on the assumption that these consequences would either take care of themselves or could be dealt with separately. In this article we discuss the relation between economic growth and environmental quality, and the link between economic activity and the carrying capacity and resilience of the environment (1).

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Craig R. Allen

University of Nebraska–Lincoln

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Ahjond S. Garmestani

United States Environmental Protection Agency

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