Carl F. Pinkele

Politics and the Black Church in a Southern Community

Beginning in the late 1940s after the abolition of the allwhite Democratic primary, the Southern Black church increasingly became a focal point for newly emerging Black political activities. The significance of the Black church in politics was due to the fact that Black clergymen played crucial political middleman roles between the emerging Black electorate and interested white politicians.1 With the passage of time and the growth of Black political activity, however, more secular social and political institutions began to supplant the Black clergy as chief political cue givers for their communities (Davidson, 1972; Murray and Vedlitz, 1974). One result was that the Black clergy lost some of its political influence as other Black activists were able to develop their own secular power bases.

Michael Reich. Racial Inequality: A Political-Economic Analysis. Pp. xii, 345. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981.

and the Philippines. The useful portion of this book reports on these interviews. The middle four chapters report on specific problems those countries face in their process of taxation. The chapters deal, respectively, with the general problem of insufficient manpower and funds, with audit and collecting procedures, and with the sham of enforcement. The problems resulting from (U.S.A.I.D.-inspired) reforms in Jamaica and Trinidad, and from discretionary collection procedures in all countries, are illuminating. Unfortunately, in his attempt to demonstrate a general theory, Radian obscures the problems of any one of the four countries by frequent use of intertwining references. The rest of the book is less satisfactory. The opening sections, which review the literature on theory of taxation, are difficult to follow. The results of various studies are not well integrated, and in one case a table is reprinted from another study with an incomprehensible explanation of the reported data. The discussion of tax level determinants assumes that governments choose taxes to maximize their own revenues. (&dquo;When

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In order to understand these contradictions, Greenberg examined the consequences of &dquo;the impact of capitalist development on patterns of racial and ethnic domination&dquo; by obtaining data from four societies with ascriptively differentiated social structure and an experience of economic development. Borrowing largely from the Marxian universe, he sought to focus on collective action and social relations of people who affect history; in this case the focus of his analysis included the behavior of &dquo;three sets of individuals and roles

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In this fascinating and well executed study, Professor Warren I. Cohen has analyzed how three nonofficial individuals influenced U.S. foreign policy attidues toward East Asia during the first half of the twentieth century. The three principals-Roger Sherman Greene, Thomas W. Lamont and George E. Sokolsky-were all substantially different in background, temperament, interests, motives, ideology, and profession. For each of these men, East Asia represented quite divergent opportunities and problems. Roger Sherman Greene had a family pedigree and long experience in Japan and China. He was initially in the U.S. Department of State and from there moved to the Rockefeller Foundation.

Philip C. C. Huang, ed. The Development of Underdevelopment in China. Pp. 132. White Plains, NY: M. E. Sharp, 1980.

a very high consistency of congressional coalitions across all major policy domains, foreign and domestic&dquo; (p. 3). In pursuing the systematic examination of this &dquo;central hypothesis&dquo; Professor Schneider has embarked upon a most timely subject. One cannot turn to a popular or scholarly publication today without encountering a discussion of the strength of conservatism or liberalism (generally, although not necessarily accurately, the latter is said to be in a state of disrepair and decline). When placed in the context