Carl O. Word

High-Risk Sex Behavior Among Young Street-Recruited Crack Cocaine Smokers in Three American Cities: An Interim Report

Since crack cocaine appeared in urban areas in the United States in the mid-1980s, reports have suggested that crack smokers may be at increased risk of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), including infection with HIV, because they have multiple sex partners, trade sex for money or drugs, and rarely use condoms. A cross-sectional survey is being conducted in urban neighborhoods in Miami, New York and San Francisco--where crack use is common--to explore these issues. Indigenous street outreach workers are recruiting men and women who are either current regular crack smokers or who have never smoked crack; each group is further stratified according to whether participants had ever injected drugs. Participants were interviewed about their sexual and drug-use practices. Overall, crack smokers, whether injectors or not, engaged in higher-risk sexual behaviors than nonsmokers, reported greater numbers of sex partners than nonsmokers, and were more likely than nonsmokers to have exchanged sex for money or drugs or to have had an STD. Differences between crack smokers and nonsmokers were generally greater among non-injectors than among injectors, and generally greater among women than among men. Condom use, although somewhat more common with paying than nonpaying partners, was infrequent overall. Most of the subjects had not been in substance abuse treatment in the preceding 12 months, and a majority had never been in substance abuse treatment. Education and prevention programs specifically targeted at crack smokers not currently in substance abuse treatment are needed to reach these high-risk persons.

Crack cocaine smoking and oral sores in three inner-city neighborhoods

Crack cocaine causes blisters, sores, and cuts on the lips and in the mouths of persons who smoke it, and such sores may facilitate the oral transmission of HIV. We recruited young adults aged 18-29 years, who either were current regular crack smokers, or who had never smoked crack, from inner city neighborhoods in New York, Miami, and San Francisco. Participants were interviewed for HIV risk behaviors and history of recent oral sores and were tested for HIV, syphilis, and herpes simplex virus (HSV) antibodies. Among the 2,323 participants recruited, 1,404 (60%) were crack smokers. Crack smokers (10.0%) were more likely than nonsmokers (4.5%) to report having had oral sores in the past 30 days [prevalence odds ratio (POR) 2.4, 95% confidence interval (CI) 1.7-3.4]. Sores were also more prevalent among those who had ever injected drugs (14.3%) than among those who had not (6.7%; POR 2.3, 95% CI 1.7-3.4), and among those with HIV infection (14.3%) than among those without it (8.0%; POR 1.9, 95% CI 1.3-2.8). Among the 429 participants who reported receptive oral sex, those who reported oral sores were more likely than those who did not to have HIV infection, after other HIV risk factors were controlled for (adjusted POR 1.9, 95% CI 1.0-3.6). Our results confirm that crack smokers have a high prevalence of oral sores and provides evidence that these sores, although infrequently, may facilitate oral transmission of HIV.

Crack cocaine smokers who turn to drug injection: characteristics, factors associated with injection, and implications for HIV transmission

A survey of 1220 street-recruited crack cocaine smokers revealed that crack smokers may turn to drug injection to ease crack withdrawal. Crack smokers who later injected tended to smoke crack more heavily and for longer periods than those who did not inject. The initiation of injection was significantly associated with ever snorting heroin (prevalence ratio [PR] = 3.4, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 2.0-5.9) or snorting heroin specifically while smoking crack (PR = 2.3, 95% CI = 1.3-4.0), suggesting that snorted heroin use may mediate the transition to injection among crack smokers. Programs to prevent and treat crack dependence may prevent later injection and injection-related infections including HIV.

Comparison of HIV infection risk behaviors among injection drug users from East and West Coast US cities

This study assessed whether behavioral differences explained higher human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) seroprevalence among injection drug users (IDUs) in three East Coast versus two West Coast cities in the United States. Sociodemographic, sexual, and injecting information were collected during semiannual face-to-face interviews. Baseline data from New York City; Baltimore, Maryland; and New Haven, Connecticut, were compared with data from Los Angeles, California, and San Jose, California. Among 1,528 East Coast and 1,149 West Coast participants, HIV seroprevalence was 21.5% and 2.3%, respectively (odds ratio [OR] 11.9; 95% confidence interval [CI] 7.9–17.8). HIV risk behaviors were common among IDUs on both coasts, and several were more common among West Coast participants. Adjusting for potential risk factors, East (vs. West) Coast of residence remained highly associated with HIV status (adjusted OR 12.14; 95% CI 7.36–20.00). Differences in HIV seroprevalence between East and West Coast cities did not reflect self-reported injection or sexual risk behavior differences. This suggests that other factors must be considered, such as the probability of having HIV-infected injection or sexual partners. Prevention efforts are needed on the West Coast to decrease HIV-associated risk behaviors among IDUs, and further efforts are also needed to reduce HIV incidence on the East Coast.

Drug Treatment Clients and Their Community Peers: How They Differ

Free-at-Last is a drug treatment program in East Palo Alto, California, a low-income predominantly African American community in Silicon Valley. In this research, a cohort of treatment clients was compared to a random sample of community residents. Both groups used drugs. Two-way analysis of variance was used to identify factors that predicted the number of drugs used, controlling for client or community sample status. Significant predictors turned out to be perception of race discrimination, ever selling drugs, contact with the police, the number of relatives who died suddenly as a juvenile, ever having thoughts of suicide, and marital status. Path analysis was used to show the relationship between predictors of the number of drugs used for treatment clients; a second path was done for community clients. By comparing each path analysis, we were able to show how treatment clients arrived at significantly higher drug use than peers in the community.