Carole Pateman

Participatory Democracy Revisited

Over the past two decades we have heard an historically unprecedented volume of talk about and praise of democracy, and many governmental, non-governmental, and international organizations have been engaged in democracy promotion. Democracy is a subject that crosses the boundaries in political science, and within my own field of political theory there has been a major revival of democratic theory. In political theory, argument about “democracy” is usually now qualified by one of an array of adjectives, which include cosmopolitan, agonistic, republican, and monitory. But the new form that has been by far the most successful is deliberative democracy. By 2007 John Dryzek could write that “deliberative democracy now constitutes the most active area of political theory in its entirety (not just democratic theory).” Not only is there an extremely large and rapidly growing literature, both theoretical and empirical, on deliberative democracy, but its influence has spread far outside universities.

Feminist challenges : social and political theory

Acknowledgements Contributors 1. Introduction: the theoretical subversiveness of feminism Carole Pateman Part I: The Challenge to Theory: 2. Feminism, philosophy and riddles without answers Moira Gatens 3. Vanishing acts in social and political thought: tricks of the trade Beverly Thiele 4. Ethics revisited: women and/in philosophy Rosi Braidotti Part II: The Challenge to Liberalism: 5. Selfhood, war and masculinity Genevieve Lloyd 6. Sex equality is not enough for feminism Merle Thornton 7. Women and political rationality Janna Thompson 8. Desire, consent and liberal theory Lenore Coltheart Part III: The Challenge to Academia: 9. Philosophy, subjectivity and the body: Kristeva and Irigaray Elizabeth Gross 10. Simone de Beauvoir: philosophy and/or the female body Catriona Mackenzie 11. Women, domestic life and sociology Anna Yeatman 12. Evidence and silence: feminism and the limits of history Judith Allen 13. Conclusion: what is feminist theory? Elizabeth Gross Bibliography

Democratizing Citizenship: Some Advantages of a Basic Income

If the focus of interest is democratization, including women’s freedom, a basic income is preferable to stakeholding. Prevailing theoretical approaches and conceptions of individual freedom, free-riding seen as a problem of men’s employment, and neglect of feminist insights obscure the democratic potential of a basic income. An argument in terms of individual freedom as self-government, a basic income as a democratic right, and the importance of the opportunity not to be employed shows how a basic income can help break both the link between income and employment and the mutual reinforcement of the institutions of marriage, employment, and citizenship.

Political Culture, Political Structure and Political Change

In The Civic Culture , perhaps the best known study of political culture, Almond and Verba say that ‘the relationship between political culture and political structure [is] one of the most significant researchable aspects of the problem of political stability and change’. I want to look at the way this relationship has been treated in one particular area, an area very relevant to questions of political stability and change in our own society; that is, in studies of political participation and apathy, especially research into the sense of political efficacy or competence. This is the area with which The Civic Culture itself is largely concerned, and it is now well established that individuals low in a sense of political efficacy tend to be apathetic about politics; indeed, Almond and Verba consider the sense of efficacy or competence to be a ‘key political attitude’.

Women and Consent

CAROLE PATEMAN University of Sydney 1 HE HISTORY OF MODERN CONSENT THEORY over the last three centuries largely consists of attempts by theorists to suppress the radical and subversive implications of their own arguments. More recently, writers on consent have been assisted in this endeavor by the contemporary consensus that women, and the relationship between the sexes, are of no special relevance to political theory. Yet an examination of the question of women and consent highlights all the problems that generations of consent theorists have tried to avoid. Contemporary consent theory has no room for two fundamental questions: first, why consent is of central importance to liberal theory and practice; second, how far theory and practice coincide, and whether genuine consent is possible within the institutions of the liberal democratic state. Consent is usually discussed only in a narrowly conceived political context in the course of arguments about political obligation. Most consent theorists are content to accept the verdict that

The problem of political obligation : a critical analysis of liberal theory

Pateman examines the notion of political obligation in relation to the liberal democratic state and presents a vision of participatory democracy as a means to effect a more satisfactory relationship between the citizen and the state. She offers a general assessment of liberal theory and an interpretation of all familiar arguments about political obligation and democratic consent.

‘God Hath Ordained to Man a Helper’: Hobbes, Patriarchy and Conjugal Right

There are two conflicting and equally misleading interpretations of Hobbes: either he is a patri-archalist like Filmer – but the premise of Hobbess theory is that political right originates in maternal not paternal lordship; or he is an anti-patriarchalist – but he endorses the subjection of wives to husbands in civil society. To appreciate how Hobbes turns mother right into a specifically modern, non-paternal form of patriarchy, an understanding is required of his peculiar view of the family as a protective association of master and servants that originates in conquest (contract). Secondly, a conjectural history of the defeat of women by men in the natural condition and their incorporation into ‘families’ has to be provided. The overthrow of mother right enables men to enter the original contract, to create Leviathan in their own image, and to secure the fruits of their conquest by establishing patriarchal political right, exercised in large part as conjugal right.

A Contribution To the Political Theory of Orga Niza Tiona l dEmocra c y

At the heart of liberal democratic theory lies the assumption that because ’democracy’ is a political concept it properly refers only to the government (national and local) of the state. To use the term to refer to organizations that fall within the jurisdiction of the state-as in ’industrial democracy’-is seen as either illegitimate or involving some special sense of the term; that is, a nonpolitical sense. Thus to take a recent example, a political scientist argues that economic enterprises are not political: &dquo;to condition or influence political power is not the same as to wield it&dquo; (Sartori, 1973: 21). Management and organization theorists writing on ’industrial democracy’ usually implicitly or explicitly reject democracy in the political sense. Rhenman, for instance, states that &dquo;a management cannot be elected in the same way as, for example, the parliament and government of

Sublimation and Reification: Locke, Wolin and the Liberal Democratic Conception of the Political

er conceptualisation of the &dquo;political&dquo; itself. Very different conclusions will be drawn, for example, about the ends to which political life should be directed; exactly who should participate, and how, in political life; the principles on which political life should be based and the organisational forms that best give expression to those principles, from differing theoretical conceptions of the political and differing views on what, empirically, the political sphere of life does and should comprise. Most recent English-language political theory has been the political theory of the existing liberal democratic system and it has usually taken a particular conception of the political very much for granted. Some of the radical critics of liberal democracy and its theorists, especially in the women’s liberation movement, have now raised a challenge to this conception-a challenge neatly summed up in the slogan &dquo;the personal is the political&dquo;. This idea runs completely counter to the &dquo;common sense&dquo; view of the political seen in terms of the modern state, the liberal democratic version of which developed from the liberal notion of limited, constitutional, representative government. The liberal democratic conception ofthe political is based on the division of life into two separate spheres: that of private life (or, more narrowly, the personal) where individuals go about their everyday lives having, and needing, no more than a passing interest in political life; and the political sphere, or the state, where specially chosen representatives act to protect the life of the private sphere and arbitrate between its conflicting interests, making political decisions aimed at the benefit of the community as a whole, or the public interest. My argument in this paper has as its starting point the existence of two completely opposed arguments-the sublimation and reification arguments-about the appropriate characterisation of the liberal democratic conception of the political; arguments that also involve conflicting interpretations of the development of one aspect of the modem,

Introduction: between justice and democracy

‘Justice’ and ‘democracy’ have alternated as dominant themes in political philosophy over the last fifty years or so. Since its revival in the middle of the twentieth century, political philosophy has focused on first one and then the other of these two themes. Rarely, however, has it succeeded in holding them in joint focus. This volume attempts to remedy that defect. Inevitably, some chapters focus more heavily on one topic than the other. But all were written explicitly with a view to the conjunction, intersection or interaction of these two central values in contemporary political theory.