Catherine Bolzendahl

Same game, different rules? Gender differences in political participation

We investigate gender gaps in political participation with 2004 ISSP data for 18 advanced Western democracies (N: 20,359) using linear and logistic regression models. Controlling for socio-economic characteristics and political attitudes reveals that women are more likely than men to have voted and engaged in ‘private’ activism, while men are more likely to have engaged in direct contact, collective types of actions and be (more active) members of political parties. Our analysis indicates that demographic and attitudinal characteristics influence participation differently among men and among women, as well as across types of participation. These results highlight the need to move toward a view of women engaging in differing types of participation and based on different characteristics.

Women's political representation and welfare state spending in 12 capitalist democracies

One of the sharpest criticisms of welfare state research is insufficient attention to factors relating to gender relations and inequalities. Recent scholarship has begun to address welfare state effects on gender-related outcomes, but the evaluation of theories of welfare development with respect to gender factors is somewhat less developed, leaving open a number of important questions regarding gender as a mechanism behind welfare state development. Using established theoretical perspectives as a baseline model, this study evaluates the effects of womens political power on welfare state effort within 12 capitalist democracies. Cross-sectional time-series analyses of OECD data provide evidence for the impact of womens political representation on levels of social expenditure. Further, womens political representation mediates a portion of the effects of women in the labor force. We discuss implications for extending welfare state theory and for refining the role of gender-related mechanisms in welfare state development.

Gender Gaps in Political Participation Across Sub-Saharan African Nations

A substantial literature has studied gender differences in political participation in Western industrialized democracies, but little is known about such gaps in sub-Saharan African nations. Using 2005 Afrobarometer data, this paper presents a systematic investigation of the gender gap in political participation across 18 sub-Saharan African countries. In line with cultural isomorphism, patterns in gender gaps across different types of participation generally mirror those of Western democracies, with small to no gender gaps in registration to vote, but substantial gaps in less institutionalized types of participation. Yet, the remaining large gaps cannot be explained by gender differences in socioeconomic characteristics and political attitudes as suggested in studies on Western industrialized nations. Finally, substantial cross-national differences within the sub-Saharan African are found, substantiating the importance of more fine-grained examinations of variation across sub-Saharan African nations.

Beyond the Big Picture: Gender Influences on Disaggregated and Domain-Specific Measures of Social Spending, 1980–1999

Three issues are central to, but underdeveloped in, theoretical debates about the welfare state. First, the array of welfare services is of equal, or greater, importance than welfare transfers; second, spending varies across substantively different domains; and third, the welfare state is profoundly shaped by gender. While a comprehensive body of research has provided many claims and critiques on these points, their potential for empirical examination has not been fully realized. This article addresses these points by analyzing development according to substantively disaggregated measures of welfare spending, as well as theorizing and testing explicit gender-relevant influences alongside established indicators. Results from cross-sectional and fixed-effect models indicate that established factors are particularly relevant for transfer spending, and much less so for services. Notably, gender measures emerge as strong determinants of services spending generally, but the specific impact of gender varies according to both the substantive spending domain and the aspect of gender being measured. The findings, overall, show strong support for the broader inclusion of gender, and the utility of moving beyond programmatic generalist approaches.

Opportunities and Expectations: The Gendered Organization of Legislative Committees in Germany, Sweden, and the United States

As men and women increasingly share access to state power, there has been a question of whether women’s rising descriptive representation leads to substantive change, and a sizable body of literature suggests it does. As a mechanism for this effect, I theorize legislatures as gendered organizations that build gender into their institutional operation, as enmeshed in legislative committee systems. Using case studies of Germany, Sweden, and the United States, I examine 40 years of data collected on legislative committees and memberships. This study reveals some similarities, where all committee systems emphasize gender-typed roles, particularly female legislators’ greater segregation into social issue committees. Yet, gender is constructed differentially across these organizations, and the nations vary in the gender structure of their committee systems, degree of gender segregation and typing, and gendered relations of power and prestige. Implications for integrating theories of gender as an institution, gendered organizations, and feminist institutionalism are discussed.

Citizenship beyond politics: the importance of political, civil and social rights and responsibilities among women and men.

Previous research has suggested that men are more engaged as citizens than are women. Yet, little is known about gender cleavages across a variety of citizenship norms. To what extent do men and women define citizenship differently? To address that question, this study examines the importance men and women assign various citizenship rights and responsibilities using 2004 ISSP data from 18 Western, industrialized nations. Using a disaggregated approach to understanding definitions of citizenship, we examine political, civil, and social rights and responsibilities. After controlling for a variety of demographic and attitudinal influences, we find that men and women are not different in their views regarding the importance of political responsibilities. However, women do view political rights as significantly more important than do men. Further, in comparison to men, women view both civil and social responsibilities and rights domains as significantly more important.

Rhetoric and Reality: The Role of Family Issues in Politician and Party Support

Despite evidence of the political salience of family issues, little work has been done to understand how Americans link family issues to their support of various parties and politicians. This study examines whether respondents think party/politician views on family issues are important and asks respondents to provide examples of relevant family issues. Using data from the 2003 Constructing the Family telephone survey conducted at the Indiana University Center for Survey Research, we find that most respondents claim that a party’s/politician’s views on family issues are important to them. Further analysis reveals that, among people who believe family issues are important, the belief is explained differently, with the sample split between a focus on the characteristics of policymakers as compared to the policy itself. The authors conclude that these differing approaches to family issues may stem from the patchwork system of legislation for families in the United States.

Citizenship beyond politics

Previous research has suggested that men are more engaged as citizens than are women. Yet, little is known about gender cleavages across a variety of citizenship norms. To what extent do men and women define citizenship differently? To address that question, this study examines the importance men and women assign various citizenship rights and responsibilities using 2004 ISSP data from 18 Western, industrialized nations. Using a disaggregated approach to understanding definitions of citizenship, we examine political, civil, and social rights and responsibilities. After controlling for a variety of demographic and attitudinal influences, we find that men and women are not different in their views regarding the importance of political responsibilities. However, women do view political rights as significantly more important than do men. Further, in comparison to men, women view both civil and social responsibilities and rights domains as significantly more important.

Conclusions and Further Directions

This chapter returns to the definition of women’s political empowerment and the questions that motivated this volume. We assess the contributions of the chapters herein. We offer key takeaway points from these and call for greater connections to the established literature, particularly in development studies and advanced by international organizations. We end by discussing briefly the progress made by this volume toward the larger effort of conceptualizing and measuring women’s political empowerment and offer suggestions for moving forward with this agenda.

Legislatures as Gendered Organizations: Challenges and Opportunities for Women’s Empowerment as Political Elites

This chapter focuses on opportunities for and limitations to women’s global political empowerment at the organizational/institutional level by examining how legislative committee organizations institutionalize gender. Building from theories of gendering new institutions, gendered organizations, and gender as a social structure, this chapter suggests ways we can use these theories to better understand gendered legislatures as important fields of women’s political (dis)empowerment. A descriptive analysis illustrates women’s segregation within a masculine/men’s dominated committee space. Electing more women does not guarantee more empowerment for women in committees. The findings highlight women’s empowerment as an organizational outcome that can vary in substance and scope. I conclude with suggestions for specific steps that can be taken to develop these ideas to understand women’s political empowerment worldwide.