Catherine E. Ross

THE LINKS BETWEEN EDUCATION AND HEALTH

University of Illinois, Urbana The positive association between education and health is well established, but explanations for this association are not. Our explanations fall into three categories: (1) work and economic conditions, (2) social-psychological resources, and (3) health lifestyle. We replicate analyses with two samples, cross-sectionally and over time, using two health measures (self-reported health and physical functioning). The first data set comes from a national probability sample of U.S. households in which respondents were interviewed by telephone in 1990 (2,031 respondents, ages 18 to 90). The second data set comes from a national probability sample of U.S. households in which respondents ages 20 to 64 were interviewed by telephone first in 1979 (3,025 respondents), and then again in 1980 (2,436 respondents). Results demonstrate a positive association between education and health and help explain why the association exists. (1) Compared to the poorly educated, well educated respondents are less likely to be unemployed, are more likely to work full-time, to have fulfilling, subjectively rewarding jobs, high incomes, and low economic hardship. Full-time work, fulfilling work, high income, and low economic hardship in turn significantly improve health in all analyses. (2) The well educated report a greater sense of control over their lives and their health, and they have higher levels of social support. The sense of control, and to a lesser extent support, are associated with good health. (3) The well educated are less likely to smoke, are more likely to exercise, to get health check-ups, and to drink moderately, all of which, except check-ups, are associated with good health. We conclude that high educational attainment improves health directly, and it improves health indirectly through work and economic conditions, social-psychological resources, and health lifestyle. he positive association between education and health is well established, but explanations for this association are not. Well educated people experience better health than the poorly educated, as indicated by high levels of self-reported health and physical functioning and low levels of morbidity, mortality, and disability. In contrast, low educational attainment is associated with high rates of infectious disease, many chronic noninfectious diseases, self-reported poor health, shorter survival when sick, and shorter life expectancy (Feldman, Makuc, Kleinman, and Cornoni-Huntley 1989; Guralnik, Land, Fillenbaum, and Branch 1993; Gutzwiller, LaVecchia, Levi, Negri, and Wietlisbach 1989; Kaplan, Haan, and Syme 1987; Kitagawa and Hauser 1973; Liu, Cedres, and Stamler 1982; Morris 1990; Pappas, Queen,

Neighborhood Disadvantage, Disorder, and Health*

We examine the question of whether living in a disadvantaged neighborhood damages health, over and above the impact of personal socioeconomic characteristics. We hypothesize that (1) health correlates negatively with neighborhood disadvantage adjusting for personal disadvantage, and that (2) neighborhood disorder mediates the association, (3) partly because disorder and the fear associated with it discourage walking and (4) partly because they directly impair health. Data are from the 1995 Community, Crime, and Health survey, a probability sample of 2,482 adults in Illinois, with linked information about the respondents census tract. We find that residents of disadvantaged neighborhoods have worse health (worse self-reported health and physical functioning and more chronic conditions) than residents of more advantaged neighborhoods. The association is mediated entirely by perceived neighborhood disorder and the resulting fear. It is not mediated by limitation of outdoor physical activity. The daily stress associated with living in a neighborhood where danger, trouble, crime and incivility are common apparently damages health. We call for a bio-demography of stress that links chronic exposure to threatening conditions faced by disadvantaged individuals in disadvantaged neighborhoods with physiological responses that may impair health.

The Impact of the Family on Health: The Decade in Review

The weighing device comprises a tension load cell including an upper liquid chamber and a lower air chamber which has a volume much greater than the volume of the liquid chamber. The weight of a suspended load and the load supporting structure on the load cell are applied on both chambers. A gauge reads the liquid pressure in the upper chamber and a valve unit connectible to a source of air under pressure is connected to the air chamber. The load cell is tared by initially adjusting the air pressure in the lower chamber to produce a zero reading on the gauge. When a load is applied on the device, the volume displacement of the air chamber is small relative to the volume displacement of the liquid in the upper chamber. The volume of the air chamber thus remains substantially constant so that the gauge indicates directly the net weight of the applied load.

Education, age, and the cumulative advantage in health

The positive association between educational attainment and health is well established, but the way in which the education-based gap in health varies with age is not. Do the health advantages of high educational attainment and disadvantages of low educational attainment diverge or converge with age? The cumulative advantage perspective predicts a diverging SES gap in health with age, but past evidence does not allow us to accept or reject the hypothesis. We address this issue in two samples, cross-sectionally and over time, with three health measures. The first data set consists of a 1990 telephone interview of a national probability sample of U.S. households. There are 2,031 respondents, aged 18 to 90. The second is a national probability sample of U.S. households in which 2,436 respondents aged 20 to 64 were interviewed by telephone in 1979 and reinterviewed in 1980. We find that the gap in self-reported health, in physical functioning, and in physical well-being among people with high and low educational attainment increases with age. The health advantage of the well educated is larger in older age groups than in younger. Health advantages of high income and disadvantages of low income also diverge with age, but household income does not explain educations positive effect.

Age and depression.

In this study, the relationship between age and depression is analyzed, looking for effects of maturity, decline, life-cycle stage, survival, and historical trend. The data are from a 1990 sample of 2,031 U.S. adults and a 1985 sample of 809 Illinois adults. The results show that depression reaches its lowest level in the middle aged, at about age 45. The fall of depression in early adulthood and rise in late life mostly reflects life-cycle gains and losses in marriage, employment, and economic well-being. Depression reaches its highest level in adults 80 years old or older, because physical dysfunction and low personal control add to personal and status losses. Malaise from poor health does not create a spurious rise of measured depression in late adulthood. However, some of the differences among age groups in depression reflect higher education in younger generations, and some reflect different rates of survival across demographic groups that also vary in their levels of depression.

Neighborhood disorder, fear, and mistrust: the buffering role of social ties with neighbors.

This paper proposes that individuals who report that they live in neighborhoods characterized by disorder—by crime, vandalism, graffiti, danger, noise, dirt, and drugs—have high levels of fear and mistrust. It further proposes that an individuals alliances and connections with neighbors can buffer the negative effects of living in a neighborhood characterized by disorder on fear and mistrust. Results from a representative sample of 2482 Illinois residents collected by telephone in 1995 support the propositions. Living in a neighborhood with a lot of perceived disorder significantly affects mistrust and the fear of victimization, adjusting for sociodemographic characteristics. Perceived neighborhood disorder and social ties significantly interact: informal social ties with neighbors reduce the fear- and mistrust-producing effects of disorder. However, formal participation in neighborhood organizations shows little buffering effect.

Dividing work, sharing work, and in-between: marriage patterns and depression.

Marriages in the United States are shifting from the complementary type, in which the husband is employed and the wife cares for the household and children, to the parallel type, in which both spouses are employed and both are responsible for the housework. This change, however, is far from complete. Disjunctions in the institution of marriage may be stressful and emotionally disturbing. We hypothesize that the effect of a wifes employment on her depression and her husbands depends on their preferences for her employment and on whether the husband helps with the housework. Using data from a national sample of 680 couples interviewed in 1978, we find that both spouses are less depressed when the wifes employment status is consistent with their preferences. Also, wives are less depressed if their husbands help with the housework, and husbands are not more depressed as a result of helping. These factors lead to the highest depression in transitional marriages. The lowest depression is in parallel marriages.

Explaining the social patterns of depression: control and problem solving--or support and talking?

Research on the social patterns of depression in the community finds consistently that high levels of education and income, being male, and being married are associated with lower levels of depression. We attempt to explain these patterns as the result of two essential social perceptions: the sense of controlling ones own life rather than being at the mercy of powerful others and outside forces, and the sense of having a supportive and understanding person to talk to in times of trouble. In theory, the sense of control reduces depression because it encourages active problem solving, and the sense of support reduces depression because it provides others to talk to. We find evidence for the first proposition: persons who feel in control of their lives are more likely to attempt to solve problems. Perceived control and problem solving decrease depression and largely explain the effects of income and education on depression. We find, however, that support has mixed effects. Support decreases depression, but talking to others when faced with a problem, which increases with the level of support, increases depression. Support explains a small part of the effect of marriage on depression. Control and support have an interactive effect on depression, suggesting that control and support can substitute for one another to decrease depression: a high level of one reduces the need for the other, and a low level of one is remedied by a high level of the other.

Does Employment Affect Health

Employment correlates positively with health, but is employment cause or consequence? The social causation hypothesis says that employment improves the health of men and women. The selection hypothesis says that healthy people get and keep jobs more than unhealthy people do. We test both hypotheses using longitudinal data from a national probability sample (N = 2,436 interviewed in both years). In the equations representing social causation, full-time employment predicts slower declines in perceived health and in physical functioning for both men and women. Full-time employment has the same effect for both sexes. Among women, it also has the same effect for White and non-White, and for married and nonmarried. In the equations representing social selection, physical functioning increases the odds of getting or keeping a full-time job for both sexes. Perceived health increases the odds for women but not for men. In regard to homemaking among women, homemaking predicts significantly greater declines in health, but health has no effect on the odds of becoming or staying a homemaker.

Refining the association between education and health: the effects of quantity, credential, and selectivity.

We refine the established association between education and health by distinguishing three aspects of a person s education (quantity, credential, and selectivity) and by examining the mechanisms through which they may correlate with health. Data are from the 1995 Aging, Status, and the Sense of Control Survey, a representative U.S. national telephone survey of 2,593 respondents aged 18 to 95, with an oversample of elderly. Results show that physical functioning and perceived health increase significantly with years of formal education and with college selectivity for those with a bachelor s or higher degree, adjusting for age, sex, race, marital status, and parental education. The credential of a college degree has no net association with physical functioning and perceived health beyond the amount attributable to the additional years of schooling. Of the three aspects of education, years of schooling has the largest effect. Most of that association appears attributable to its correlation with work and economic conditions, social psychological resources, and health lifestyle. A large portion of the net association of college selectivity with physical functioning and perceived health appears attributable to health lifestyle.