Chares Demetriou

The Realist Approach to Explanatory Mechanisms in Social Science: More than a Heuristic?

The mechanism-realist paradigm in the philosophy of science, championed by Mario Bunge and Roy Bhaskar, sets certain expectations for the substantive social-scientific application of the paradigm. To evaluate the application of the paradigm in accomplished substantive research, as well as the potential for future research, I examine the work of Charles Tilly, the exemplary substantive work in the mechanism-realist tradition. Based on this examination, I argue for the usefulness of explanatory mechanisms, provided that they are couched in terms of a heuristic. Such a position is the most reasonable one to adopt given the expectations set by the paradigm in relation to complexity stemming from mechanism interaction and to a notion of causality that is deeper than that acknowledged by empiricism and positivism.

Processual Comparative Sociology Building on the Approach of Charles Tilly

Charles Tilly’s work on process analysis offers a methodological approach to comparative-historical sociology that can be considered paradigmatic. Yet the approach has been widely criticized for lack of rigor. This paper maintains that the problem lies in insufficient clarification of the approach’s central concept: mechanism. Once scrutinized, the concept reveals a tension between its connotation and its denotation. This can be addressed in two ways: either by maintaining what the concept connotes according to Tilly but limiting what it denotes (thus limiting the paradigm’s scope conditions) or by limiting what it connotes and maintaining what it was intended by Tilly to denote (thus maintaining wide scope conditions). Elucidating the possibilities of processual comparison is particularly important for comparative-historical sociology because the subfield rests upon processual presuppositions.

From Theodicy to Ressentiment

‘Trauma’ is of obvious interest to psychologists and human rights advocates, who are concerned, at the individual and aggregate levels respectively, with relieving and preventing suffering. Lately, it has become of great interest to historians as well. In their introduction to an important collection of essays, for instance, two leading historians of trauma have argued that ‘the issue of trauma provides a useful entry into many complex historical questions and uniquely illuminates points of conjuncture in social, cultural, military, and medical history’.4 Perhaps surprisingly given the emotional powers of the topic, key claims of this new historiography include at first glance quite dry comments, such as that ‘[t]here is an exact ratio between the level of the technology with which nature is controlled, and the degree of severity of its accidents’ and that ‘the industrialization process was [thus] reflected in accelerating accident rates and the new institutions such as liability laws and accident insurance policies which grew out of these’.5 But the impression of dryness does not survive the first glance, for the historiography of trauma does indeed go to the very heart of the theory of modernity, establishing clear connections among industry, transportation, law, science, and social structure. As Wolfgang Schaffner has argued, the insurance-technical approach to trauma and accidents is part of a nonrepressive exercise of power, namely through stimulation and regulation. The normalization of nineteenth-century society that derives from extending police decrees and insurance regulations implies increased control of living conditions, a form of control that is an integral part of the social system.

Charles Tilly and Relational Sociology

This chapter presents the distinctive approach to relationalism developed in Charles Tilly’s later work. It is an approach that assigns the chief explanatory role in social inquiry to accounts of changes in social relations, thus an approach serving substantive theory rather than general theory. In Tilly’s accounts, alterations of social relations typically configure into mechanisms and processes that explain central socio-political phenomena, especially at the macro and meso levels. Tilly developed explanations most particularly of democratization, social inequality, and contentious politics. The latter term, devised by Tilly, refers to political contention outside formal political institutions, in which actors raise claims that involve the government and affect others’ interests. This broad conceptualization—subsuming more common concepts such as social movements, revolutions, labor strikes, and so on—is characteristic of Tilly’s effort towards broad and innovative comparisons.

Understanding European Movements: New Social Movements, Global Justice Struggles, Anti-Austerity Protest

to the conservative systems, such as Germany’s (pp. 17–18). Rodrı́guez-Cabrero’s analysis gives an overview of the thirty-five-year period. He identifies a number of ‘social risks’: disability, female integration in the labour market and changes in the structure and functions of the traditional family, as well as uncertainty as to which institutional logics would come to dominate in shaping future social policy. He acknowledges that the financial and economic crisis which began in 2008 had already begun to bring ‘rationalization and containment’, which ran counter to traditions of ‘social democracy and decentralization’ (p. 34). His forecast was of ongoing tension owing to more flexible labour markets, budgetary constraint and the privatization of public service management. Other challenges tackled in the volume include part-time employment, the implications for work and family life balance regarding female employment, immigration, long-term care for the elderly in a country whose birth rate fell to a low of 1.2 births per woman in the year 2000, poverty reduction and pensions reform. In short, the book examines up close a number of, what the editors call, ‘cohesion puzzles’ (Guillén and León, p. 312) in post-industrial Spanish society. Both domestic change and international transformations, including neoliberal globalization, have brought political conflict, ‘test[ing] the resilience of the coordinative and consensus-building capacities of the Spanish welfare state’ (Guillén and León, p. 312). The Occupy movements in late 2011, which saw thousands camping out in the Puerta del Sol campaigning against austerity politics, and the suicides by ordinary citizens who have lost their homes to bank repossession—all are testament to worsened socioeconomic conditions in Spain, which have placed yet further pressure on the welfare state. As such, this research, and further scholarship by contributors to both volumes, is ever more crucial, if we are to monitor, analyse and predict the dynamics within Spanish politics.

Making sense of ‘Price Tag’ violence: changing contexts, shifting strategies, and expanding targets

Abstract Writings on the fringe Jewish settler grassroots network known as the Hilltop Youth have proliferated in recent years, following the increase in violent activism associated with the network. But knowledge on this violent activism, called Price Tag, has remained conflicting and problematic. Central questions persist: What is the meaning of Price Tag violence? What explains the increase in the rate and salience of Price Tag violence? What are the social-political implications of Price Tag violence? This article argues that Price Tag violence represents a new strategy of contention taking shape in the context of a fundamental reconfiguration of relations within Israel’s institutional and non-institutional radical Right, and that it represents a highly consequential social and political phenomenon with destabilizing and destructive effects nationally and regionally.

Price Tag Violence and the Dwindling Prospects for Peace in Israel-Palestine

POLITICAL INSIGHT • SEPTEMBER 2018 T he prospects for peace in the Middle East have seldom seemed so remote. Along the Gaza border violence has risen, as has the death toll. In the West Bank there are growing signs of a Palestinian leadership losing ground. In Israel, meanwhile, the government seems to show neither the interest nor the ability to revive the peace process. In fact, the current and past Israeli governments have been building strategically in the occupied territories in order to either render a two-state solution impossible, or to severely circumscribe in geographic and functional terms any future Palestinian state. Jewish settlements are often cited as among the biggest obstacles to peace between Israel and Palestine. Settler leaders have been increasingly important in Israeli politics. At the same time, there has been a marked rise in so-called ‘Price Tag’ violence among radical grassroots settlers. Eitan Y. Alimi and Chares Demetriou report. Price Tag Violence and the Dwindling Prospects for Peace in Israel-Palestine

Trust: a history

the second part deals with the political parties that played a key part in the 2012 elections, with chapters on the upm, the Socialists, the far left, the Centre and the front national. there is much of interest here to those interested in the details of electoral politics and political campaigning, and some key trends are identified in the way in which political loyalties are now determined or undermined. there is a particular focus on the increased importance of the media and the relative weight of the old forms vis-à-vis new-style social media. However, inevitably, some of the trends highlighted in this book have been overtaken or reversed by events. this is particularly true in the case of the chapters dealing with the unsuccessful presidential candidate, nicolas Sarkozy, and his former political movement, the upm. reading this account now, at a time when Sarkozy is once again dominating the right with his new formation, the republicans, it is difficult to isolate this analysis from subsequent political developments and could certainly give cause for reflection on the changing fortunes of politicians and the instability of french political parties on the right. the third and final part deals with the electoral campaign itself and the issues that were at the forefront of the debates: notably, the economy, europe, foreign policy and immigration, each of which is dealt with in a separate chapter. frédéric Charillon’s chapter on ‘Hollande and Sarkozy’s foreign policy legacy’ is interesting and informative but is mainly devoted to Sarkozy’s record in this domain and the question of his legacy. the book ends with a conclusion by another of the editors, riccardo Brizzi. as its title suggests, ‘assessing the Hollande presidency one year into office’, this short piece aims to move the analysis past the elections into 2013 with an overview of françois Hollande’s achievements and difficulties to date, which attempts to explain why his popularity fell so sharply after his election victory. no doubt, for unavoidable reasons, the timing here appears to have been unfortunate, as Brizzi makes much of Hollande’s appeal as ‘mr normal’ with ‘impeccable’ personal conduct in an unfavourable comparison with the personal gaffes of his predecessor. this was, of course, written prior to ‘trierweilergate’ and the subsequent media coverage of Hollande’s own personal life. this is an inevitable pitfall for those writing on recent and contemporary political events and it is not always easy to avoid giving hostages to fortune. Specifying the parameters more clearly at the outset, and certainly in the title, might have been of some help. nonetheless, if it is seen more as a slice across the spectrum of french political life at the time of the 2012 elections, this book will certainly appeal to those with an interest in french electoral politics for its analyses of the developments affecting the different parties, the issues with which they were confronted and the manner in which the political campaigning evolved.

Designing peace: Cyprus and institutional innovations in divided societies

Bedock, C. 2014. “explaining the determinants and processes of institutional Change.” French Politics 12 (4): 357–374. Carey, J. m., and m. S. Shugart. 1995. “incentives to Cultivate a personal Vote: a rank ordering of electoral formulas.” Electoral Studies 14 (4): 417–439. Colomer, J. m. 2011. Personal Representation: The Neglected Dimension of Electoral Systems. Colchester: eCpr press. Jacobs, K. 2011. “the power or the people? direct democratic and electoral reforms in austria, Belgium and the netherlands.” unpublished diss. Jacobs, K., and m. leyenaar. 2011. “a Conceptual framework for major, minor, and technical electoral reform.” West European Politics 34 (3): 495–513. Karvonen, l. 2010. The Personalisation of Politics: A Study of Parliamentary Democracies. Colchester: eCpr press. Katz, r. S. 2005. “Why are there so many (or so few) electoral reforms? the politics of electoral Systems.” in The Politics of Electoral Systems, edited by m. Gallagher and p. mitchell, 57–76. oxford: oxford university press. Swanson, d. l., and p. mancini. 1996. Politics, Media, and Modern Democracy: An International Study of Innovations in Electoral Campaigning and Their Consequences. Westport, Ct: Greenwood publishing Group.

Social movements and political violence

The purpose of this article is to provide an overview of the ways in which political violence and social movements connect, as well as of the ways in which these connections are studied in academia. It delineates and expands on three specific topics: the emergence of political violence, the disengagement from it, and the consequences of it. The reviews of violence emergence and disengagement are broken down by the level of analysis into macro, meso, and micro; the review of the consequences of violence is broken down into the political, economic, social, and biographical areas. At the conclusion of this article, we offer brief remarks on the fields future directions.