Charlene E. Miall

The Stigma of Involuntary Childlessness

In this paper, I analyze the stigma associated with involuntary childlessness and compare the perceptions and behavior of physically infertile women and physically fertile women who are involuntarily childless. I also consider information management strategies developed to offset this stigma. These strategies include selective concealment, therapeutic and preventive disclosure, medical disclaimers, deviance avowal, and a process of practiced deception. I conclude that, although physically infertile women feel more stigmatized, physically fertile women manage information more actively to protect their husbands from the stigma associated with sexual dysfunction. Theoretically, I suggest that these women self-label infertility as discreditable or stigmatizing apart from any formal or informal response.

Sequence stratigraphy as a scientific enterprise: the evolution and persistence of conflicting paradigms

Abstract In the 1970s, seismic stratigraphy represented a new paradigm in geological thought. The development of new techniques for analyzing seismic-reflection data constituted a “crisis,” as conceptualized by T.S. Kuhn, and stimulated a revolution in stratigraphy. We analyze here a specific subset of the new ideas, that pertaining to the concept of global-eustasy and the global cycle chart published by Vail et al. [Vail, P.R., Mitchum, R.M., Jr., Todd, R.G., Widmier, J.M., Thompson, S., III, Sangree, J.B., Bubb, J.N., Hatlelid, W.G., 1977. Seismic stratigraphy and global changes of sea-level. In: Payton, C.E. (Ed.), Seismic Stratigraphy—Applications to Hydrocarbon Exploration, Am. Assoc. Pet. Geol. Mem. 26, pp. 49–212.] The global-eustasy model posed two challenges to the “normal science” of stratigraphy then underway: (1) that sequence stratigraphy, as exemplified by the global cycle chart, constitutes a superior standard of geologic time to that assembled from conventional chronostratigraphic evidence, and (2) that stratigraphic processes are dominated by the effects of eustasy, to the exclusion of other allogenic mechanisms, including tectonism. While many stratigraphers now doubt the universal validity of the model of global-eustasy, what we term the global-eustasy paradigm, a group of sequence researchers led by Vail still adheres to it, and the two conceptual approaches have evolved into two conflicting paradigms. Those who assert that there are multiple processes generating stratigraphic sequences (possibly including eustatic processes) are adherents of what we term the complexity paradigm. Followers of this paradigm argue that tests of the global cycle chart amount to little more than circular reasoning. A new body of work documenting the European sequence record was published in 1998 by de Graciansky et al. These workers largely follow the global-eustasy paradigm. Citation and textual analysis of this work indicates that they have not responded to any of the scientific problems identified by the opposing group. These researchers have developed their own descriptive and interpretive language that is largely self-referential. Through the use of philosophical and sociological assumptions about the nature of human activity, and in particular the work of Thomas Kuhn, we have attempted to illustrate (1) how the preconceptions of geologists shape their observations in nature; (2) how the working environment can contribute to the consensus that develops around a theoretical approach with a concomitant disregard for anomalous data that may arise; (3) how a theoretical argument can be accepted by the geological community in the absence of “proofs” such as documentation and primary data; (4) how the definition of a situation and the use or non-use of geological language “texts” can direct geological interpretive processes in one direction or another; and (5) how citation patterns and clusters of interrelated “invisible colleges” of geologists can extend or thwart the advancement of geological knowledge.

The Social Construction of Adoption: Clinical and Community Perspectives.

THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF ADOPTION CLINICAL AND COMMUNITY PERSPECTIVES* Charlene E. Miall** This article is a preliminary exploration of community attitudes toward adoption. Although clinicians view adoptive families as second best to biologically related families, a random sample of 150 Canadian respondents did not differentiate between the functioning of adoptive and biologically related families or children. The respondents focused on experiences of family life, not reproductive processes, and stressed the importance of commitment in families. Family research and practice that emphasize quality of family experience, not biological relatedness, is advocated. In the United States and Canada, the traditional family coexists with alternate family forms such as the adoptive family, where kinship is based on a legal and not a biological relationship. Adoption as a parenting option separates the biological from the social, nurturing part of parenting, thereby challenging notions of parenting as a process of childbearing and childrearing (Kirk, 1964). Researchers are currently examining the psychological, legal, and ethical issues surrounding adoption (Bartholet, 1993) and exploring the experiences of adoptive parents, birth parents, adoptees, and social workers (Brodzinsky & Schechter, 1990; Daly, 1988; Daly & Sobol, 1993; Geissinger, 1984; Hoffman-Riem, 1986; Lifton, 1979; March, 1995a, 1995b; Miall, 1986, 1987, 1989a; Sachdev, 1989; Sobol & Cardiff, 1983; Sobol & Daly, 1992; Walby & Symons, 1990; Westhues & Cohen, 1994). One area of research that has not received adequate attention, however, is the community within which adoptive families are formed and function. Bagley and Gabor (1995) have identified the community as an important stakeholder in the adoption process and have recommended community research to inform, in particular, policy development on adoption. Little empirical research on community views about the nature of the adoptive family, however, has been done. Depending on how community members define their attributes or experiences, individuals and families involved with adoption may experience social support or social sanctions in routine interaction. Social support may serve as a buffering mechanism between stress and health for these individuals (Coburn & Eakin, 1993; Sherbourne 8r Hays, 1990). A lack of social support may exacerbate problems associated with this alternate family form. Significantly, family practitioners and social workers providing counseling and guidance to potential adoptive parents and families may be hampered in their service delivery by this lack of empirical information on the community. In order to address these concerns, this research uses the social constructionist theoretical orientation to explore community views on adoption in general, adoptive parents, and adopted children. THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF ADOPTION Social constructionists argue that social problems arise or are constructed through social explanations (claims) about how these problems should be understood (Best, 1989; Spector & Kitsuse, 1977; Woolgar & Pawluch, 1985). For any given social phenomenon, various opinion leaders (claimsmakers) offer explanations that reflect the social structure of society and its cultural values and beliefs (Gusfield, 1985). For example, excessive consumption of alcohol has been explained or constructed over time as a sign of moral failure, then as a disease state characterized by a lack of control over drinking behavior. Claimsmakers can be experts in theory, law, ethics, and medicine; clinicians and social workers; politicians and special interest groups; individuals personally involved with the social phenomenon in question; or the community at large. These claimsmakers may compete for the right to explain a phenomenon in a certain way and seek to influence policymaking and clinical practice in a given direction. …

Perceptions of informal sanctioning and the stigma of involuntary childlessness

This study systematically examines the role of informal social response in the emergence of involuntary childlessness or infertility as a stigmatizing attribute. Seventy‐one involuntarily childless women provide detailed instances of perceived informal social sanctions related to their infertility. Subjects perceive that normals consider infertility to be caused by psychological or sexual malfunctioning, or by the woman in the dyad. Infertility is also seen by some to act as a master status. Subjects categorize other infertile individuals in terms of stigma and consider male infertility to be more stigmatizing than female infertility. Social sanctions and social control are shown to be relevant to an understanding of the experience of involuntary childlessness.

Open Adoption as a Family Form Community Assessments and Social Support

In this article, community assessments of support for three levels of open adoption are examined, including two types of mediated adoption, fully disclosed adoption, and confidential adoption. Combining telephone survey data from a Canada-wide random sample of 706 respondents with 82 qualitative interviews, the authors report on community assessments of these levels of openness and the relevance of these results for other survey research conducted on these issues. The authors also explore community assessments of the perceived advantages and disadvantages of open adoption and confidential adoption for adoptive parents, birthparents, and adopted children and how these may or may not reflect clinical assessments. Finally, the authors consider the implications of these results for clinical initiatives with members of the adoption triangle.

The positive consequences of stigma: Two case studies in mental and physical disability

This paper adds to the literature on labeling and stigma by focusing on the positive effects, benefits and rewards of possessing a stigma or identity mark. Through an examination of chronic and non-chronic ex-psychiatric patients and involuntarily childless females, we illustrate that such positive responses include: the legitimation of deviant behavior and the deviant role; exemption from normal social roles and obligations; provision of interpersonal and social opportunities; strengthening of familial relationships; opportunities for career growth and change; and personal growth experiences. These specific responses are divided into three generic categories of positive responses to negative labeling: therapeutic opportunities, personal growth experiences, and interpersonal opportunities. We also develop a typology of labeling which incorporates positive and negative labeling and the positive and negative consequences which follow.

A Comparison of Biological and Adoptive Mothers and Fathers: The Relevance of Biological Kinship and Gendered Constructs of Parenthood.

Abstract Using in-depth qualitative interviews with 82 respondents, we examine the nature of beliefs and values about biological (birth) and adoptive parents. With a Canada-wide random sample of 706 respondents, we examine their prevalence in the larger population. We also consider how aspects of biological kinship, gender and actual parenting behaviour affect assessments respondents make of the emotional bonding that occurs between parents and children. Different “natures” are ascribed to women and men whether biological or adoptive parents-motherhood is instinctive and fatherhood is learned. We consider the implications of the social context and these gendered constructs of motherhood and fatherhood for family practitioners working in adoption.

Authenticity and the Disclosure of the Information Preserve : the Case of Adoptive Parenthood

This paper explores the processes whereby people disclose information that is potentially stigmatizing but relatively inaccessible to others as a tactic to maintain personal authenticity. This general issue is examined by investigating how 71 infertile adoptive mothers manage information about adoption within and outside the family. Attention is also given to the codes of conduct regarding adoption advocated by professionals and their relevance for disclosure of a potentially stigmatizing attribute. Respondents acknowledge differences in their families in public (as advised by practitioners), but covertly reject difference by disavowing deviance. Thus, adhering to professional codes for achieving authenticity appears to create, instead, a personal sense of inauthenticity. The relevance of the disclosure of private information for a sense of personal authenticity is considered in other areas of social life.

Community Assessments of Adoption Issues Open Adoption, Birth Reunions, and the Disclosure of Confidential Information

Theorists have identified the community as án important stakeholder in adoption and recommended research to inform policy development on adoption issues. With a random sample of 150 Canadian respondents, this study combines fixed alternative and open-ended questions and considers community evaluations of open adoption, birth reunions, and disclosure of confidential information. Comparisons are made to similar research on the adoption triangle. Community involvement in public policy formation is advocated to balance specialized agendas.

Social support for changes in adoption practice: Gay adoption, open adoption, birth reunions, and the release of confidential identifying information

The authors report on a Canada-wide survey examining support for changes in adoption as a kinship form and relate their findings to relevant survey research conducted in the United States. Half of the survey respondents in Canada and the United States support same-sex adoption. There is also strong support for some form of open adoption and birth reunions for adult adoptees. In the Canadian survey, over three quarters of respondents support the unconditional release of confidential identifying information to adult adoptees. The authors discuss the disjuncture between changing social values and policy and practice in adoption.