Charles H. Kennedy

The Politics of Ethnicity in Sindh

On May 26, 1990, security forces of the Sindh provincial government fired upon a crowd that had failed to disperse in Hyderabad, Pakistans fourth largest city. The crowd had assembled to protest the continuation of a stringently enforced 16-hour-a-day curfew that had been imposed by the local authorities on the city since early May. Many women and children were among the 45 who were killed and 250 wounded. The security forces comprised mostly Sindhis and Pathans, and virtually all who were shot were Muhajirs. Over the next several days, gangs of Muhajir youth, many claiming affiliation with the Muhajir Qaumi Mahaz (Muhajir National Movement-MQM), attacked Sindhi neighborhoods, spraying machine gun fire. Dozens were killed or injured. Such grim events have become commonplace in Sindh Province since the ethnic riots of mid-1985. Four-sided ethnic clashes between Muhajirs, Sindhis, Pathans, and Punjabis have claimed around 2,000 lives since the beginning of the fighting, have displaced thousands who have fled the scene, and have brought to a standstill the commerce of Pakistans largest business center, Karachi. Moreover, the ethnic disturbances were a contributory factor in the ouster of the governments of both Muhammad Khan Junejo and Benazir Bhutto, and they currently threaten the stability of Nawaz Sharif s regime. This article addresses some of the factors that have led to this tragic state of affairs. It contends that a primary cause of recent Sindh communal violence has been the perception by Muhajirs of an eroding representation of their community among Pakistans most significant national elites: the civil bureaucracy, the military, and the business elite. This perception

Policies of Ethnic Preference in Pakistan

Perhaps to an unusual degree Pakistan has suffered since its birth from disabilities associated with regional differences and resultant competing national demands. From Partition in 1947 until the dismemberment of the state in 1971, Pakistan served as the ideological battleground for antithetical visions of Punjabi and Bengali nationalisms. Indeed, the consequences of such conflicting visions-the Civil War of 1971 and the emergence of Bangladesh-have marked the only instance in the 20th century of a successful secessionist movement. Ominously during the past decade, the specter of regionalism and possible future secessionist sentiment has been voiced by disaffected Pathan, Baluch, and Sindhi leaders. Ironically, however, throughout its history Pakistan has adopted policies of ethnic preference formulated to address the demands of disaffected groups. Further, such policies have been rigorously implemented and have lessened ethnic inequality in governmental employment. This article analyzes Pakistans ethnic quota. It is divided into four sections: The first examines the rationale for adopting the quota; the second details the history of ethnic preference policies in Pakistan; the third examines the operation of the system; and the final section offers some cautious lessons derived from the Pakistani experience.