Charles Pentland
Queen's University
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International Journal | 1997
Charles Pentland; Liesbet Hooghe
How can one convince potent nation-states to put their sovereignty at risk in common European policies? EU cohesion policy, now one-third of the EU budget, provides such a puzzle. Until 1988 the European Commission shared out money to national governments with few strings attached. Since the reform of 1988, national governments are required to negotiate with the Commission and regional authorities on how to use the money. Has this European-wide policy eroded national sovereignty in favour of a stronger role for the Commission and more power for Europes regions? The first part of this book probes into the policy dynamics at the European level. In the second part, eight country studies evaluate the impact of uniform EU policy on territorial relations by comparing policy making before and after reform. The concluding section explains persistent variation in EU cohesion decision making and implementation.
International Journal | 1977
Charles Pentland
The Framework Agreement for Commercial and Economic Cooperation signed by Canada and the European Community on 6 July 1976 is not a document destined to fire the imaginations of journalists and other observers of international life, spoiled as they are by eight years of Kissingerian heroics. Nevertheless, the dearth of comment, informed or otherwise, which it has so far inspired on either side of the Atlantic is remarkable. Critical voices probably in the majority among editorialists have stressed its lack of substance or its purely symbolic character, implying that it will prove of little consequence either for Canadas policy of counterbalancing the American presence or for the Communitys external orientation. Defenders of the new agreement counter by urging us to await the unfolding of its longer term effects, and exhort the private sector to follow up the political initiative it represents. The document in question is indeed a simple and general statement of principles and intentions, rather than a detailed set of commitments designed to alter swiftly and radically the policies of either party. Article i states that Canada and the Community will accord each other most-favoured-nation (MFN) treatment, just as Canada and the nine individual member-states do already
International Journal | 1975
Charles Pentland
The phenomenon of regionalism in world politics has long posed intriguing problems for scholars and statesmen. First there is the basic empirical question: do we have, or are we getting, an international system in which regional clusters of states are likely to be significant? From this follows a second question, one of theory: what explains the emergence of such regional groupings or subsystems? The third question the normative one concerns whether regionalism is on balance good or bad for world order, broadly (or variously) conceived. The policy question, finally, asks what should be done about it by government, international organizations, and other political authorities. The vast literature on regionalism, which can be traced back at least to the nineteenth century, has, like much of the writing on problems of world order, dealt mainly with the last two questions. In the past two decades, however, political scientists have been preoccupied with the second question setting out the causes and dynamics of the development of regional organizations and systems. Ones impression, however, is that in all this discussion the first, and in some ways fundamental, question has almost been overlooked.
Canadian Foreign Policy Journal | 2003
Christopher J. Kukucha; Charles Pentland
A TRADING NATION: CANADIAN TRADE POLICY FROM COLONIALISM TO GLOBALIZATION. By: Michael Hart, Vancouver: UBC Press, 2002 A STRATEGY FOR STABLE PEACE: TOWARD A EUROATLANTIC SECURITY COMMUNITY. By: James Goodby, Petrus Buwalda and Dmitri Trenin, Washington: United States Institute of Peace Arlington, VA: Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training 2002
International Journal | 1997
Charles Pentland
post-Cold War era is reassurance it has already undergone a transition in its principal mission from deterrence to reassurance. Yet, security depends on the future of Russia. Here, Mandelbaum makes one of the most cogent points in the book. Not only is Russia central to the future of European security, but an alienated Russia poses a long-term danger. A temporarily weak Russia, excluded and alienated from the post-Cold War settlement in Europe, is likely to be committed to overthrowing or undermining that settlement. How unwise it would be for Western governments which are rushing to enlarge the alliance to breathe a sigh of relief afterJuly 1997 merely because short-term Russian reaction may be calmer than expected. Western leaders would benefit mightily from reading carefully and pondering the issues raised in this seminal work. And for the East European leaders who believe thatjoining NATO under the current arrangements would ensure their countrys security in perpetuity, this book should be mandatory reading.
International Journal | 1996
Charles Pentland
icies adopted by a large number of American states sheds light on the difficulties of affecting state policies that even powerful multinational firms face in the complicated domestic American environment in which state interests and capacities vary significantly, and where even the federal government shows more than one face. The final empirical chapter on the Canada-United States negotiations on acid rain demonstrates how an alliance forged by states and provinces across a national border negatively affected by the large amount of airborne pollution generated in the American industrial heartland was instrumental in leading to an outcome satisfactory to the states and provinces but generally opposed by important American jurisdictions. Each case study makes for interesting reading on the intricacies of foreign relations in modern federations highly exposed to the international system. A comprehensive bibliography adds to the value of the book both for researchers specializing in the field and for students at the senior undergraduate and graduate levels.
International Journal | 1995
Charles Pentland; Stanley Hoffmann
Introduction Europes Identity Europes Identity Crisis: Between the Past and America Europes Identity Crisis Revisited European Unity In The Cold War Obstinate or Obsolete? France, European Integration, and the Fate of the Nation-State No Trumps, No Luck, No Will: Gloomy Thoughts on Europes Plight Uneven Allies: An Overview Fragments Floating in the Here and Now Reflections on the Nation-State in Western Europe Today From Community To Union, From Cold War To New World (Dis)Order The European Community and 1992 A Plan for the New Europe Reflections on the German Question The Case for Leadership Balance, Concert, Anarchy, or None of the Above Goodbye to a United Europe?.
International Journal | 1976
Charles Pentland
ment to involvement in maintaining the European status quo. Bennett simply felt it prudent to follow the British lead in such involvement. Veatch does note that Bennett became increasingly amenable to Canadian international involvement as time passed. He might have recognized that King did as well, had he made use of the King diaries. Indeed Robert Bothwell, J.L. Granatstein, and others have shown clearly from the diaries that while King continued publicly on the isolationist road until 1939 he had committed Canada in advance, in his own mind at least, to international involvement on a scale of unprecedented proportions.
International Journal | 1974
Charles Pentland
International Journal | 1976
Charles Pentland; Reginald J. Harrison