Christine Hudson

Governing the Governance of Education: The State Strikes Back?

In many countries, there have been changes in the way in which education is governed, with greater fragmentation of responsibility between the state, local government, schools, individuals and the market often accompanied by a move from detailed regulation to framework legislation. Previously, these developments have been seen as part of the move from government to governance whereby the state is forced to step back and allow other interests to play a role. However, in recent years more subtle theories of governance have been developed which argue that, rather than retreating, the state is adapting to changing circumstances and finding new ways of governing. The importance of education not only in terms of creating and maintaining national identity but also for economic development suggests that this is an area from which the state will not willingly abdicate its role. This article suggests that support for the new governance theories can be found in the field of education. It argues that the growth in the attempts to control educational outputs through, for example, demands for quality controls, standardized testing, evaluations and so on and the introduction of national bodies responsible for carrying out these controls can be interpreted as a sign that the state, far from relinquishing its role, is finding other ways of controlling education. A comparative approach is adopted and these ideas are explored in relation to education systems in the Nordic and British countries. The article draws on a qualitative analysis of official policy documents, legislation and official statements concerning education in the respective countries.

Regional development partnerships in Sweden: putting the government back in governance?

Abstract Regional development partnerships were introduced in Sweden in 1998 as part of a new regional policy. Here it is argued that these partnerships can provide support for the concept of governance in which the state continues to play an important role in steering the direction of policy. On the surface, as a decentralized organizational form, emphasizing inclusion of a broad range of regional stakeholders in the production of regional growth agreements/programmes, the partnerships would seem to fit a strategy of ‘letting other regimes rule’ on the part of the state. However, the central role played by the Swedish county administrative boards (the extended arm of the state in the region), suggests that the partnerships could also be a way for central government to retain control over the direction of regional development. In this way, they become an example of the states ability to adjust to a changing environment rather than its ‘hollowing out’.

National School Policy Changes in Britain and Sweden

In both Britain and Sweden, responsibility for schools is shared between the central and local levels of government. Local policy-making is largely dependent on the decisions taken centrally, and these form a general context for local education policies. National education policies establish goals, set rules, provide resources and specify how outcomes should be evaluated. This context may be both constraining and enabling for local decision-makers, that is, it may limit some choices, but at the same time provide opportunities. The national policy context undergoes constant change, and it varies between countries, even if there may be similarities. Further, even if it forms a common context for all the local education authorities within a country, the national policy context must always be interpreted and applied in particular local situations.

Evaluation – the (not so) softlysoftly approach to governance and its consequences for compulsory education in the Nordic countries

Public sector reform involving decentralisation and marketisation has led to “soft” indirect forms of governance aimed at steering more fragmented systems. Although based on information and guidance rather than hierarchy and legislation, these new methods of regulating through evaluation and quality control may be as powerful as more direct control methods. Frequently embodying practices building on values concerning consumer choice and competition, they may challenge values of equality and social justice associated with the Nordic model of education. Drawing on a qualitative analysis using documentary data concerning evaluation structures and techniques, the development of an evaluative culture and consequences for compulsory education in the Nordic countries are examined. Although soft governance techniques of evaluation and control have impacted on compulsory education in all five countries, there are differences concerning the extent to which the Nordic model’s values have been challenged. Further, there are signs of resistance and reluctance to abandon the model’s basic tenets.

The Politics of Local Income Tax in Sweden: Reform and Continuity

Local authorities have played an important role in the Swedish model of the Welfare State. This state is characterised by high levels of welfare provision paid for through general taxation, the rates of which are very high and the application of uniform standards across the entire country based on the principles of equity and fairness. The main form of income for local authorities is a Local Income Tax which is paid by 85% of the population. In the 1980s and 1990s, Sweden went through an economic crisis which resulted in significant changes to the tax system, although the Local Income Tax was retained. Subsequent changes have followed a pendulum process, with deregulation of local government finances in the 1990s being followed by greater regulation in the following years. Today, Sweden is conducting a major debate about the role and functions of different levels of government in the light of social, economic and political changes in the international scene.

SHARING FAIRLY? MOBILITY, CITIZENSHIP, AND GENDER RELATIONS IN TWO SWEDISH CITY‐REGIONS

ABSTRACT This article focuses on the centrality of women’s mobility in relation to urban citizenship and how this is influenced by underlying gender relations. A theoretical framework is developed concerning mobility, citizenship, and the gender contract. Focusing on the Swedish situation, the relationship between gender, domestic work, and commuting is discussed. Drawing on theories concerning mobility and the concept of the gender contract and using the findings from a questionnaire survey, these issues are explored in two Swedish city-regions, Göteborg and Umeå. The focus is on whether, when both in a couple are in paid employment and commute, a more egalitarian gender contract develops where the unpaid domestic work is shared more equally. The study concludes that, irrespective of commuting, there continues to be a traditional gender contract in which, despite being in paid employment, the woman continues to be responsible for the brunt of the unpaid domestic labor, with the exception of tasks relating to childcare, where responsibility is more equally shared between both parents, reflecting a strong norm in Swedish society where fathers are also expected to be actively involved with their children.

The co-creation (of) culture? The case of Umeå, European Capital of Culture 2014

ABSTRACT Culture is often promoted as crucial in efforts to achieve economic growth and social cohesion. In recent debates, greater attention has been directed at the importance of culture in creating democratic and just cities. Drawing on theories concerning participation, we study the processes of citizen participation in the creation of culture in relation to the European Capital of Culture in Umeå in Northern Sweden. The city has been praised for its focus on participation and the ‘co-creation’ of culture. We scrutinize the idea of co-creation, how it is filled with meaning by different actors, the way it is operationalized by city officials and cultural actors/practitioners and the possibilities for public participation and the power relationships at play in the city. We conclude that culture tends to be depoliticized and turned into an arena available for all on supposedly equal terms and ignores the very unequal terms on which different actors participate. It ignores how power relations affect and construct who gets to speak and be heard; that there are conflicting meanings of culture and co-creation and how power influences whose definition of culture is accepted.