Christopher Malone

The Organic Globalizer: The Political Development of Hip-Hop and the Prospects for Global Transformation

This article argues that hip-hop is an “organic globalizer.” No matter its pervasiveness or its reach around the world, hip-hop ultimately remains a grassroots phenomenon that is born of the community from which it permeates. The authors contend that the political development of hip-hop in the United States holds important lessons for global political and social transformation. They identify three stages in its development: (1) the cultural awareness and emergence stage marked by the identification and recognition of voices of marginalized communities through music and art; (2) the social creation and institutionalization stage, marked by the development of independent alternative institutions and non-profit organizations in civil society geared toward social and economic justice; and (3) the political activism and participation stage, which hip-hop has entered in the United States. It is marked by demands made on the state by group actors, and the recognition of hip-hops ability to affect electoral outcomes through political participation. Using this paradigm as a launching point, the article concludes by looking at a few examples of ways in which communities across the globe have used hip-hop to build positive political alternatives for historically marginalized communities.

Democratic Action Research (DARE) and Large Scale Simulations: Teaching Political Literacy and Civic Engagement at Pace University's Presidential Convention 2004

The last vote was counted in the 2004 presidential election and old debates began anew about the causes of low turnout of those between the ages of 18 and 24. Despite an unprecedented amount of time and effort spent on turning out the youth vote, the data suggest that only about half of the eligible voters between the ages of 18 and 24 cast a vote for president. The good news is that, indeed, this years figures reverse a downward trend in voter turnout amongst the youth; the bad news is that every age bracket increased in voting and youth voting still lagged behind other age groups by significant margins. Scholars have once again cited evidence of political apathy and alienation among young people; they have referred to studies that reveal widespread ignorance of American politics and history in our nations high schools and colleges. Dire predictions will continue about the bleak future of American democracy due to the ostensible lack of knowledge and interest in the American political system among our newest voters. Despite studies showing increases in volunteerism, service, and civic engagement, the low voter turnout will dominate the debate about civic education. The authors would like to thank David A. Caputo, president of Pace University, for funding PC2004.

Race Formation, Voting Rights, and Democratization in the Antebellum North

This article puts forth a theoretical framework for understanding the impact of race on democratization across much of the antebellum North in the United States by looking at the changes in voting rights for blacks in four states. Racial voting restrictions across these state lines, despite different outcomes, can be understood by accounting for three factors: first, how racial conflict is structured through economic competition; second, how partisan competition is structured by racial cleavages; and third, how racial coalition formation is structured through racial narratives and a racialized discourse—what I call a racial belief system. Three factors comprise what is called “race formation.” Racial voting restrictions were enacted in Northern states: (1) when racial conflict took place as an outgrowth of rapid economic and demographic change; (2) when political actors seeking electoral advantage were in a position to successfully prey upon this racial conflict by arousing newly enfranchised white ethnic voters; and (3) when an ascriptive racial belief system became the dominant racial paradigm for understanding citizenship rights for blacks. The article suggests that race formation played a significant role in the democratization of 19th century America. These two races are fastened to each other without intermingling; and they are unable to separate entirely or to combine. The most formidable of all ills that threaten the future of the Union arises from the presence of a black population upon its territory; and in contemplating the causes of present embarrassments, or of future dangers in the United States, the observer is invariably led to this as a primary fact. (Alexis de Tocqueville1)

An Occupied Political Science: Concluding Reflections on Downtown Political Thinking

In at least two respects, Thomas Jefferson set the standard for the modern American university when he founded the University of Virginia (UVA). First, unlike existing universities such as Harvard or Yale, Jefferson sought to create a new, nonsectarian institution of higher learning that taught and trained leaders in science and public service and affairs rather than the law or religious doctrine. Second, Jefferson was largely responsible for UVA’s design, locating it in the “middle of nowhere.” Purchased from then president James Monroe in 1817, the tract the university sits on what was originally farmland outside of Charlottesville, Virginia. The geographical, intellectual, and architectural form of the American “campus” thus took shape. On the one hand, the pastoral center of the university (what is known as the “quad” on many campuses), framed by its academic buildings with the library as its focal point, became a place for quiet, monastic reflection. On the other, the campus itself stood in geographical isolation from the broader society, far removed from its social, political, cultural, and economic ills. It was and continues to be a peculiar combination of forces at work: the American university as a place of inquiry and knowledge, freed from the “superstitions” of the pulpit in the rational and scientific service of the “public”—yet also a “City on a Hill” in miniature, set apart from the ugly distractions of the town by physical, intellectual, cultural, and geographical boundaries.

The Two Reconstructions: The Struggle for Black Enfranchisement

analyzed in this book—has been, remains, and likely will continue to be for some time comfortably undemocratic. This and other points of public or private debate, however, do not detract from this book: for they are the direct results of its contributions to a much broader and lively discussion related to the definition of the necessary and accidental attributes of democracy as well as our expectations concerning the boundary conditions for the presence of these attributes today.

2005 APSA Teaching and Learning Conference Track Summaries: Track One: Civic Education/Engagement

Initial discussions revealed a consensus that political science courses need to address civic education and advocate for civic engagement. We further agreed that the driving legitimacy of civic education should be to raise consciousness, foster interest, and encourage participation in the public sphere. Low voter turnout among young adults is an obvious source of concern, but more disconcerting are the core problems: lack of interest and trust; lack of anticipated relevance; and lack of knowledge about how to participate meaningfully. Having identifi ed these problems, our discussions turned to considerations of our collective professional responsibility. Central to our discussions was the question: Are we, as educators, part of the problem or part of the solution? More specifi cally, do we reinforce cynicism with critical analyses or provide the energy and skills to create interest and opportunity? An overarching conclusion of the workshop was to call upon the profession to consciously shift from the former to the latter. Our discussions also recognized a wide spectrum of participatory activities ranging from unscheduled public discourse to concerted mobilization, all of which carry legitimacy and include skills that can be addressed in political science courses. Expectedly, citizens experience different levels of active mobilization at different points in their lives. Highlighting diverse approaches to our students coincides with this fl uidity of participation over a lifetime. Our discussion also emphasized the importance of cross-national and international perspectives, particularly in the post-9/11 world, for fostering interest, relevance, and knowledge among American undergraduates.