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Dive into the research topics where Cindy Struckman-Johnson is active.

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Featured researches published by Cindy Struckman-Johnson.


Journal of Sex Research | 1996

Sexual Coercion Reported by Men and Women in Prison

Cindy Struckman-Johnson; David Struckman-Johnson; Lila Rucker; Kurt M. Bumby; Stephen Donaldson

An anonymous survey of 1,800 men and women in a Midwestern state prison system revealed that 104 of 516 respondents (20%) had been pressured or forced at least once to have sexual contact against their will while incarcerated. Supporting the validity of this finding, a sample of staff estimated that the sexual coercion rate was 15%. The reported incident rate was 22% for male and 7% for female respondents. Based upon descriptions of worst case incidents, at least 50% of sexual targets had been forced to have intercourse (anal, vaginal, or oral), with one fourth of the cases qualifying as gang rape. Another 10% of targets were subjected to an attempt at forced intercourse. One fourth of targets reported less severe cases of forced and pressured sexual touching. Prison staff were reported as perpetrators in 18% of the incidents. Most targets rated the immediate and long‐term effects of the incident as very negative. One half of the targets did not tell anyone about the incident, and only 29% reported the in...


Journal of Sex Research | 2003

Tactics of sexual coercion: When men and women won't take no for an answer

Cindy Struckman-Johnson; David Struckman-Johnson; Peter B. Anderson

We investigated womens and mens reports of experiencing and using tactics of postrefusal sexual persistence, defined as persistent attempts to have sexual contact with someone who has already refused. Participants were 275 men and 381 women at Midwestern and Southern universities. More women (78%) than men (58%) reported having been subjected to such tactics since age 16; this difference was significant for the categories of sexual arousal, emotional manipulation and lies, and intoxication, and for two tactics within the physical force category (physical restraint and threats of harm). More men (40%) than women (26%) reported having used such tactics; this difference was significant for the sexual arousal, emotional manipulation and lies, and intoxication categories. We present participants’ written descriptions of their experiences.


Archives of Sexual Behavior | 1994

Men pressured and forced into sexual experience

Cindy Struckman-Johnson; David Struckman-Johnson

A predominantly heterosexual sample of 204 college men were asked to report incidents of pressured or forced sexual touch or intercourse since age 16. About 34% indicated they had received coercive sexual contact: 24% from women, 4% from men, and 6% from both sexes. Contact involved only sexual touching for 12% and intercourse for 22%. Sexual contact was pressured in 88% of the 81 reported incidents by tactics of persuasion, intoxication, threat of love withdrawal, and bribery. In 12% of the incidents, sexual contact was forced through physical restraint, physical intimidation, threat of harm, or harm. Contact was initiated by an acquaintance or intimate in 77% of incidents. The negative emotional impact of male contact was rated significantly higher than the impact of female contact. Men with and without coercion experience did not differ, however, for scale scores on sexual esteem, depression, and preoccupation. Interviews with 10 subjects revealed complex reactions to coercive male and female contact, including doubts about ones sexuality, resentment of unexpected or forceful contact, and fear of telling others about the event.


The Prison Journal | 2000

Sexual Coercion Rates in Seven Midwestern Prison Facilities for Men

Cindy Struckman-Johnson; David Struckman-Johnson

Sexual coercion rates in seven prison facilities for men in midwestern states were assessed. Anonymous written surveys were distributed to the total population of 7,032 inmates and 1,936 security staff in the facilities. Usable surveys were returned by 1,788 inmates (25%) and 475 staff (25%). Results showed that 21% of the inmates had experienced at least one episode of pressured or forced sexual contact since incarcerated in their state, and 16% reported that an incident had occurred in their current facility. At least 7% of the sample had been raped in their current facility. Seven percent of the sample had experienced sexual coercion, and at least 4% had been raped during the most recent 26 to 30 months. Factors that appeared to increase sexual coercion rates were large population size, racial conflict, barracks housing, inadequate security, and having a high percentage of inmates incarcerated for a crime against persons.


Journal of Interpersonal Violence | 2006

A Comparison of Sexual Coercion Experiences Reported by Men and Women in Prison.

Cindy Struckman-Johnson; David Struckman-Johnson

Comparisons were made between self-reports from 382 men and 51 women who had experienced sexual coercion while incarcerated. Victim data were obtained from a sample of 1,788 male inmates and 263 female inmates who responded to an anonymous written survey distributed in 10 midwestern prisons. Men reported that their perpetrators in worst-case incidents were inmates (72%), staff (8%), or inmates and staff collaborating (12%). Women reported that their perpetrators were inmates (47%) and staff (41%). Greater percentages of men (70%) than women (29%) reported that their incident resulted in oral, vaginal, or anal sex. More men (54%) than women (28%) reported an incident that was classified as rape. Men and women were similar in feeling depression; however, more men (37%) than women (11%) reported suicidal thoughts and suicide attempts (19% for men, 4% for women). Implications of results for prevention of sexual coercion in prison are discussed.


Journal of Sex Research | 2002

Sexual coercion reported by women in three midwestern prisons

Cindy Struckman-Johnson; David Struckman-Johnson

The study was an anonymous self‐report survey of coercive sexual experiences of women incarcerated in three Midwestern prisons. Inmate populations were 295 (Facility 1), 113 (Facility 2) and 60 (Facility 3). Return rates were over 50%. Some prison staff were also surveyed. The 150 inmates in Facility 1 reported relatively high rates of sexual coercion: 27% had been coerced in the state system and 19% in their present facility. The 80 inmates in Facility 1 and 36 inmates in Facility 3 reported lower rates: 8% to 9% for prisons statewide and 6% to 8% for their present facility. One half of the perpetrators were female inmates. Most incidents involved genital touching. About one fifth of the incidents were classifiable as rape. We concluded that the prison environment potentially fosters female sexual aggression among inmates and sexual exploitation by staff.


Sex Roles | 1993

College Men's and Women's Reactions to Hypothetical Sexual Touch Varied by Initiator Gender and Coercion Level.

Cindy Struckman-Johnson; David Struckman-Johnson

A sample of 152 men and 152 women (mostly Caucasian) rated their reactions to a vignette in which the subjects were to imagine receiving an uninvited genital touch from a college acquaintance. The vignette was varied so that the acquaintance was of the opposite or the same gender as the subject, and the touch was either gentle or forceful. Results indicated that women anticipated strong negative effects from receiving opposite- or same-gender touch, whether gentle or forceful. Men anticipated almost no negative effects from either a gentle or forceful touch from a female acquaintance, but expected strong negative effects from a gentle or forceful touch from a male acquaintance. Regression analyses revealed that womens reactions to opposite-gender touch were mediated by beliefs in a male norm promoting casual sex, and feelings of violation and fear of harm. Mens reactions to opposite-gender touch were influenced by feelings related to sexual arousal. Men and womens reactions to same-gender touch were related to feelings of violation and harm.


Sex Roles | 1991

Men and women's acceptance of coercive sexual strategies varied by initiator gender and couple intimacy

David Struckman-Johnson; Cindy Struckman-Johnson

Seventy-two men and 86 women read vignettes describing five coercive strategies for obtaining sexual intercourse on a date. Subjects rated the acceptability of strategies used by male and female initiators for couples who were or were not sexually intimate. Subjects generally rejected all tactics. Results revealed a continuum of increasing rejection from verbal pressure and sexual stimulation, followed by mock force, followed by intoxication and physical force. Although women were more rejecting of any strategy than were men, women were slightly less opposed to verbal pressure and stimulation for “more sex” rather than for “first-time sex.” Women equally rejected most male- and female-initiated strategies, but men were more accepting of female-initiated strategies. Results are explained in terms of sex role norms prescribing that men be initiators and women be gatekeepers in sexual interaction.


The Prison Journal | 2000

Introduction: The History of Prison Sex Research:

Christopher Hensley; Cindy Struckman-Johnson; Helen M. Eigenberg

The study of prison sexuality began in the early 1900s with a few scant articles discussing the unnatural relationship between women behind bars. Today, the number of manuscripts on all aspects of sex in prison has increased. However, relatively few studies have focused on these “pains of imprisonment.” This article describes the history of prison sex research in the U.S. over the last 80 years.


Sex Roles | 1994

Men's reactions to hypothetical female sexual advances: a beauty bias in response to sexual coercion

Cindy Struckman-Johnson; David Struckman-Johnson

The study investigated 277 college mens reactions to a vignette in which they were to imagine receiving an uninvited sexual advance from a casual female acquaintance. Subjects were predominantly middle-class Caucasian students. The vignette varied in the degree of coercion used (low — touch, moderate — push, high — threat, and very high — weapon). For each coercion level, the initiator was described as either very attractive or very unattractive. Subjects rated acceptability of the act, feelings of being pleased, violated, and negatively affected by the incident, and indicated if they would consent to further sexual activity. Results showed that men had significantly more negative reactions to advances that employed high and very high levels of force as compared to low and moderate levels. A beauty bias was found in that men had more positive (or less negative) reactions to the actions of an attractive vs. an unattractive initiator. Men had generally positive reactions to the sexual advance of an attractive woman who used low or moderate levels of coercion. Reactions to all other vignette situations were predominantly negative. As a model for future research, it is proposed that male and female reactions to sexual coercion can be predicted by levels of violation of sexual standards, force used, initiator sexual desirability, and romantic relationship with the initiator.

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Samuel Gaster

University of South Dakota

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Roy C. Gilliland

University of South Dakota

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Angela Ausman

University of South Dakota

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Christopher Hensley

University of Tennessee at Chattanooga

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