Colin Sparks

INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM IN CHINA TODAY

The situation of investigative journalism in China is precarious. There are serious pressures from both the party-state and advertisers that have reduced the opportunities for this kind of journalism. On the other hand, investigative journalism has proved a very important tool in the economic development of some newspapers, and has been integrated into their organizational structure as well as providing what might be termed a professional ideology for journalists. But as the pressures on news organizations have grown, they have been forced to respond. Some, notably television but also many newspapers, have more or less abandoned investigative journalism. Others attempt to retain the practice, but adopt a very cautious strategy. In some cases, however, the market position of the newspaper and the self-identity of the journalists mean that they retain a strong commitment to investigative journalism. In this, they are aided by the development of the Internet, which provides a good source for stories, an arena in which it is possible to publish material that could not appear in the traditional media, and a way of ensuring that sensational stories gain a wider audience. On the other hand, even those newspapers that pride themselves on maintaining their commitment to this kind of journalism have developed strategies to minimize the negative political and economic consequences of their activity. The article concludes that while investigative journalism in China faces a difficult future, it is very far from entirely defunct.

Media systems in transition: Poland, Russia, China

This article discusses the transformation of the media system in three countries moving away from the classical “communist” model: Poland, Russia and China. Despite very significant differences, all three of these societies displayed similar starting points in terms of economics, politics and media. The dominant political science tradition has discussed post‐communism as part of a more general theory of “transitology”, seeing the processes involved in these cases as examples of a world‐wide transition from dictatorial regimes towards western‐style democracy. An alternative is to see the shift away from communism as an example of “elite continuity”, in which the former bureaucratic ruling class attempts to restructure itself as the owners of private capital. The article tests the two theoretical views in these three cases. It is demonstrated that transitology gives very little insight into the prevailing situations, and that the theory of elite continuity accounts much better for major features of the media systems.

What is the "digital divide" and why is it important?

Abstract This article begins with a consideration of the different meanings that have been given to the digital divide, and to the normative concerns that researchers have brought to its investigation. It then examines three major traditions of research into the subject: that which stresses issues of physical access; that which adds to the discussion of technical availability a stress upon some of the cultural competences and skills necessary to utilise the technologies fully; and a third which examines situations in which technical availability is almost universal but in which social and cultural factors play a determinant role in the kinds of usage adopted. Building upon the existing state of knowledge, the article goes on to consider its implications both for future research and for the kinds of policies which might be adopted to address the problems of social inclusion today and in the future.

Problems with a European public sphere: an introduction

Abstract This introduction discusses some of the problems of applying the concept of the public sphere to the current situation in the European Union. The EU is a body that is beginning to have many of the features that were historically associated with states, and therefore the issues of openness to public scrutiny that occasioned the birth of the classical public sphere begin to become important in this new context. The citizens of the EU gain their information mostly from the mass media, but these remain predominantly organised along the lines of the constituent states of the Union, rather than on any genuinely transnational basis. This means that there is always a tension between the discussion of issues as European issues and their discussion as issues of national interest within Europe. The concept of a public sphere is a much-contested one, and it is important to determine whether it is the correct starting point for considering the openness of political processes in the EU. The introduction reviews some of the issues, and concludes that it seems very difficult to hold on to some of the strong formulations that are associated with the category. On the other hand, the idea of the public sphere in its more radical formulation illuminates very clearly some of the issues of the practice of democratic political life that are currently absent from, and urgently needed by, the European Union. Modified to take account of what is now known about the reality of public life, and linked more closely to concepts of social and political action, the concept can provide a useful starting point for further enquiry.

Coverage of China in the UK national press

This article analyzes the coverage of China in the UK national daily press for the calendar year 2008. The article demonstrates that, although there were many articles mentioning China, these were distributed throughout the year so as to emphasize large-scale and dramatic events. Second, the articles were not evenly distributed across the titles analyzed. The big-selling down-market titles had very few substantial articles on China. The mid-market titles had more, but the total was still very small. Only the up-market titles, with their elite readership, covered China regularly and in depth. The article then compares the quality of the coverage through an analysis of the frames present in the Sun, the Daily Express, and the Financial Times. The article finds that the coverage had some similarities across all titles, but that the two more popular titles concentrated on negative aspects of China while the elite title carried more nuanced coverage. It is speculated that the Financial Times has more detailed and better-rounded coverage of China primarily because the readers are much more likely to have professional and personal relations with China and need a better picture of the realities of that country. The less wealthy and well-educated readers of the other papers have little direct experience of China, and the country can be used as one of the markers of a dangerous and threatening world. It is noted that this is an analysis of what is present in newspapers, and no valid conclusions can be drawn about audience attitudes from this evidence.

Democratisation and the media: a preliminary discussion of experiences in Europe And Asia

Abstract Studies of the relationship of the mass media and democracy either rely very heavily on American and European experience, or they are focused studies of national cases. There are relatively few attempts to generalise from the rich diversity of the last thirty years. This article is an initial attempt to compare the experiences of the former communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe with the various dictatorships of East and South East Asia. It is argued that, despite the fact that there are important differences between communist and capitalist dictatorships, it is nevertheless theoretically possible to compare the two categories. An outline theory of the relationship between media and social power in both is introduced. In comparing Europe and Asia, it is argued that oppositions between “Western” and “Asian” values are not at all useful, despite their considerable popular currency at the time of writing (September 2001). In both cases, key democratic values like reason and media freedom have a contradictory status that defies continental generalisations. The article continues with an examination of the decay of the undemocratic regimes in the two continents and points to their differences and similarities. In particular, it is noted that there are surprising similarities of outcome in the media democratisation process despite the differences in starting point. The absence of radical democratic movements in Europe is contrasted with their apparently greater prominence in some parts of Asia. It is speculated that the future in China will involve political crises that will provide further opportunities for radical democratic movements.

Are the Western Media Really That Interested in China

Abstract This article considers the evidence about the strategic orientation of major western media companies on the Chinese market. It begins by proposing a typology of influence drawn from the analysis of post communist media change in Central and Eastern Europe. The evidence from there does not support the view that major media companies directly took over the media systems. It then reviews the evidence of the intentions of major media corporations towards the Chinese market and finds that, contrary to popular supposition, very few of them have any major commitments, at least as yet. Only News Corporation can be said to have a major involvement in the Chinese market. The article then reviews the possible reasons for this, including the nature and size of the current Chinese market. In particular, it shows that although the Chinese market is very large, and wealth is growing fast, it remains poor and the advertising revenues available are not yet substantial. On the basis of these findings and analysis, it is suggested that, contrary to popular views, it is unlikely that, in the near future, there will be any major foreign attempt to enter the mass market in Chinese television.

Cme and Broadcasting in the Former Communist Countries

AbstractThe development of commercial television in the former communist countires was closely associated with the activities of Central European Media Enterprises (CME) and particularly its successful Czech station, TV Nova. This article looks at the overall strategy of CME, and shows that while it had some important successes, its primary strength was its political connections rather than its grasp of the television business. As the market developed, so its weak business model became more and more apparent. Its failure to win national licenses in Poland and Hungary, and the failure of its attempts to force an entry into those markets, meant that its prospects for commercial success were very small indeed. Its share price collapsed, its operating losses mounted, and by early 1999 it was entirely dependent upon the bounty of its rich founder, Ronald Lauder. It faced a choice of collapse or take-over. In the event, it was taken over by SBS, a US-owned niche broadcaster active in peripheral western European...

The future of public service broadcasting in Britain

This paper reviews recent developments in British television. It argues that, up until recently, the whole of British television—including stations both publicly and privately owned—was a public service system. The impact of the 1990 Broadcasting Act has been to introduce greater competitive pressures into that part of the system financed by advertising. These pressures have been intensified by satellite channels. The direction of the 1994 White Paper on the BBCs future is toward introducing greater commercial pressures into this organization. British television is moving to a commercial system in which there remains a subordinate public service element.

The Media as a Power for Democracy

PovzetekRazprava se loteva vprasanja, koliko lahko obicajno obravnavanje tiska kot ene izmed “moci” vladanja pripomore k razumevanju vloge medijev v sodobnem svetu. Kot sugerira izraz “cetrta moc” (Fourth Power), je razpravljanje O tern vpracanju nujno povezano z odnosi med množižnimi mediji in uporabo - predvsem, ne pa izkljucno politicne - moci v družbi. Pri uporabi klasiene doktrine locitve moci moramo danes upostevati tri pomembne vidike: 1. Ker je nastanek doktrine povezan z ustavnimi ureditvami 17. in 18. stoletja, je Ie ohlapno povezana s katerimkoli prepoznavnim modelom demokracije. 2. seprav locitev moci ne predstavlja demokraticne teorije politike, je v ustavno teorijo prinesla tematizacijo realnih interesnih konfliktov. 3. V casu nastanka ta doktrina ni imela nikakrcne zveze s tiskom. Problem odnosov med tiskom oz. mediji in mocjo se izraca v treh , v sodobnosti pogosto uporabljanih izrazih. Ideji locitve moci je najblicje pojmovanje medijev kot posebne “moc” . V latinski Evropi je za tisk uvel...