Colin Tyler

Contesting the Common Good: T.H. Green and Contemporary Republicanism

This chapter sets out the philosophical heart of the British idealist tradition of common good politics in Thomas Hill Green’s political writings. It sketches the various forms of republicanism at play in contemporary philosophical discussions of republicanism. Green’s conceptualisations of true freedom and intersubjective recognition are shown to be superior to the conceptions used by contemporary philosophers. It analyses personal freedom and collective life, before turning to Greenian civic virtue and its interrelationships with personal freedom. Democratic contestability of the ‘common good’ is explored, before Green’s decentralised political structure is analysed, as is his radical theory of patriotism and civil disobedience. Green’s republicanism is shown to be more coherent, integrated and compelling than the leading contemporary versions.

T.H. Green, advanced liberalism and the reform question 1865–1876

This paper examines Thomas Hill Greens changing attitude to the Reform Question between 1865 and 1876. Section 1 sketches the Radical landscape against which Green advocated reform between 1866 and 1867, paying particular attention to the respective positions of Gladstone, J.S. Mill and Bright on the relationship between responsible citizenship and class membership. Section 2 examines Greens theories of social balance and responsible citizenship at the time of his lectures on the English Civil War. Section 3 argues that, contrary to the established scholarship, Greens Radicalism was closer to Bright than to Gladstone and Mill during this period. Section 4 counters Richters claim that Green abandoned democracy following the 1874 General Election, while arguing that even sympathetic commentators misunderstand Greens attitude to the Reform Question immediately after this date.

Power, alienation and performativity in capitalist societies:

The article presents a model of performative agency in capitalist societies. The first section reconsiders the problem of third-dimensional power as developed by Steven Lukes, focusing on the relationships between universal human needs and social forms. The second section uses the concepts of the ‘self’, ‘I’ and ‘person’ to characterize the relationships between human nature, affect, individual alienation, social institutions and personal judgement. Alienation is argued to be inherent in human agency, rather than being solely created by capitalism. The next section applies this analysis within an agonal theory of civil society that is driven by the individual’s performative participation in associations that compete within institutional settings. Finally the article considers the political ramifications of this model, rejecting contemporary constitutionalist approaches in favour of a revised form of pluralist associationalism. Throughout, the article warns of the dangerous marginalization of emotions (or ‘affect’) by excessively self-conscious, rationalist approaches such as Mead’s social theory, liberal universalism and even some performative theories.

J.A. Symonds, socialism and the crisis of sexuality in fin-de-siècle Britain

ABSTRACT This article analyses the theory of sexuality, personality and politics developed by the literary critic John Addington Symonds (1840–1893). Sections 1 and 2 introduce Symonds’ changing reputation as a modernist theorist of ‘sexual inversion’ (homosexuality). Section 3 examines his conceptualization of the processes whereby an individual can sublimate sexual urges to create a harmonious and unalienated personality which acknowledges the need to combine transgressive self-expression with social convention. Section 4 demonstrates how this theory led Symonds to endorse an eroticized form of democratic socialism, while Section 5 explores the culmination of Symonds’ thought in a form of pantheistic idealism. This research is significant in that it extends our understanding of socialism and sexuality into areas that are marginalized and yet historically important.

The liberal Hegelianism of Edward Caird: Or, how to transcend the social economics of Kant and the romantics

Purpose - The paper establishes that Edward Caird developed a distinctive form of liberal Hegelianism out of his critical responses to Kant, the romantic tradition of Rousseau, Goethe and Wordsworth and indeed Hegel himself. Design/methodology/approach - The paper presents a philosophical reconstruction of Cairds social economics that is based on a close reading of a very wide range of Cairds writings including his recently published lectures on social ethics and political economy. Findings - Cairds theory of historical development underpinned his writings on social economics. One of his greatest debts in this regard was to his interpretation of the romantics, which introduced a rich conception of higher human capacities into his critical analysis of capitalism. When combined with his critique of Kantian formalism, this led Caird towards Hegel. Yet, Cairds concerns regarding corporatisms stultifying tendencies led him to develop a dynamic form of liberal Hegelianism, which placed far greater trust than had Hegel in the ability of free conscientious citizens to restructure and enrich established social categories (classes, professions, gender roles and so on) and the system of nations which those categories helped to constitute. Practical implications - If Cairds liberal Hegelianism were to be adopted today, we could live in much freer, fairer and enriching communities than we do at present. Originality/value - Edward Caird has been wrongly neglected in intellectual histories of Anglo-American political theory, and while his writings on Kants critical philosophy have received some scholarly attention, his critique of romanticism has never received the attention it deserves. This also draws on manuscripts that have been published only within the past five years, having been edited for the first time by the author of this paper.

Hegel, war and the tragedy of imperialism

This article contextualises Hegels writings on international order, especially those concerning war and imperialism. The recurring theme is the tragic nature of the struggles for recognition which are instantiated by these phenomena. Section one examines Hegels analysis of the Holy Roman Empire in the context of French incursions into German territories, as that analysis was developed in his early essay on ‘The German Constitution’ (1798–1802). The significance of his distinction between the political and civil spheres is explored, with particular attention being paid to its implications for Hegels theory of nationalism. The second section examines Hegels development of the latter theory in The Phenomenology of Spirit (1807), stressing the tragic interpenetration of ‘culture’ and intersubjective recognition. A recurring theme here is the influence of this theory on Hegels interpretation of Napoleons World-Historic mission, as that was revealed in his contemporaneous letters. Section three traces the tragic dynamic underlying the discussion of war between civilised states in The Philosophy of Right (1821). Section four examines three other types of imperial action in Hegels mature writings, particularly The Philosophy of History (1832). These are relations between civilised states and culturally developed yet politically immature societies; colonial expansion motivated by capitalist under-consumption; and conflict between civilised states and barbarous peoples. It is concluded that it is misleading to claim that Hegel glorified conflict and war, and that he did not see domination by ‘civilised states’ as the ‘final stage’ of World History. ☆ I wish to thank the participants in the Security Studies Seminar, Politics Department, University of Hull, as well as those in the ‘European Radicalism, 1789–1919’ conference, University of Hull, 9 July 2002, for their comments on earlier versions of this paper. I have benefited particularly from the input of Peter Nicholson, Tom Kane and Justin Morris.

Language, aesthetics and emotions in the work of the British idealists

ABSTRACT This article surveys and contextualizes the British idealists’ philosophical writings on language, aesthetics and emotions, starting with T. H. Green and concluding with Michael Oakeshott. It highlights ways in which their philosophical insights have been wrongly overlooked by later writers. It explores R. L. Nettleship’s posthumous publications in this field and notes that they exerted significant influences on British idealists and closely related figures, such as Bernard Bosanquet and R. G. Collingwood. The writing of other figures are also explored, not least F. H. Bradley and J. A. Smith. The article concludes by introducing in turn the remaining articles that are found in this special issue.

Power, Alienation and Community in Capitalist Societies

This chapter uses a British idealist form of social theory to develop a model of human agency in capitalist societies and considers what a free community would look like under capitalism. It considers the problem of third-dimensional power as developed by Steven Lukes, focusing on the relationships between universal human needs and social forms. Next, it uses the concepts of the ‘self’, ‘I’ and ‘person’ to characterise the relationships between human nature, affect, individual alienation, social institutions and personal judgement. Alienation is argued to be inherent in human agency, rather than being solely created by capitalism. This analysis helps to develop an agonal theory of civil society driven by the individual’s performative participation in associations that compete within institutional settings. Finally, the political ramifications of this model are explored, rejecting contemporary constitutionalist approaches in favour of a revised form of pluralist associationalism.

Blair’s Legacy: ‘International Community’, Domestic (In)security and the Continuing Erosion of Civil Liberties

This chapter traces the development of Blair’s position on international society, emphasising the normative underpinnings which he stressed throughout his premiership. It uses a common good approach to analyse the economic dimensions of Blair’s doctrine, as that was presented by Gordon Brown from his time as Chancellor of the Exchequer up to the present day. Central here is Brown’s ‘new Marshall Plan’, a programme which is assessed in relation to the ongoing negotiations surrounding the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. Finally, this chapter explores the implications of UK government’s continuing attacks on civil liberties, many of which have been justified through tacit appeals to Blair’s model and by extension to Bush’s doctrine of international relations.

Rethinking the International Economic Architecture

This chapter recalls the link between social labour, social justice and the common good. Section two reconsiders the international dimensions of Hobson’s social economics. Section three analyses Hobson’s scheme in light of the structures and dynamics of want-creation and personality formation. It is argued that, beyond the basic levels required for continued physical existence, many resources that individuals need are culturally conditioned. Following Michael Walzer, it is argued that the meanings of these resources are generated through participation within cultural structures, and that it is by constructing lives which are infused with those meanings that individuals can come to live lives that they value. Finally, it uses Bosanquet’s theory of institutions as ‘ethical ideas’ to sketch a multilevel international framework in which such meanings can be negotiated and revised.