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Archive | 1996

Hobbes, the State of Nature and the Laws of Nature

Cornelia Navari

That philosophical doctrines speak differently to different ages is nowhere more apparent than in the intellectual fortunes of Thomas Hobbes. In the seventeenth century, he was considered a ‘hobbist’, a libertine and free thinker, so much so that even Locke, who held much in common with him, avoided any mention of his doctrines. (The seventeenth century would have also scorned the notion that he was a philosopher of order, seeing in his doctrines the roots of sedition and disorder.) By the eighteenth century, he had risen to the level of Filmer and Rousseau and was honoured as the precursor of Pufendorf. He was ‘discovered’ in his own right towards the end of the century by the English philosophical radicals, notably Bentham, who admired not so much the method or premises as the break with natural law and the robust concept of a rationally directed sovereign will. But he only really came into his own during the second half of the nineteenth century, largely because he provided the foundations, and many of the categories, for Austin’s legal positivism, and support for the theory of the untrammelled rights of Parliament. By its end, he was being read as an authority on the requisites of political institutions as they had come to be understood under Austin’s influence; that is, legal perfection and the importance of clear delegations of the sovereign authority. But it was a short-lived glory, as theories of untrammelled sovereignty came increasingly under attack.


Archive | 1993

Intervention, Non-Intervention and the Construction of the State

Cornelia Navari

Why are we bothered by intervention? What kind of.a problem is intervention? Intervention involves altering the balance of power in a state. In order to differentiate intervention from a constant process of influence we need to develop a theory of intervention which distinguishes alteration from mere influence. Such a theory would demonstrate the various ways in which such alterations may be achieved and the conditions under which they are likely to occur. This is a process of building middle-range theories of international relations. But intervention also raises questions of a first-order kind which entail something more than middle-range theories.


Archive | 1980

The end of the post-war era : documents on great-power relations, 1968-1975

James Mayall; Cornelia Navari

Preface Source Abbreviations Note on the texts of the documents Introduction 1. The end of the cold war 2. The diplomacy of detente 3. Changes in the western alliance 4. The Warsaw treaty organisation 5. The great powers and the middle east war of October 1973 6. The crisis of the international economic order.


International Journal | 1992

The Condition of states : a study in international political theory

Mark Neufeld; Cornelia Navari

Introduction - the state as a contested concept in international relations, Cornelia Navari reality and illusion in the acquisition of statehood, Willie Henderson the variety of states, James Mayall foreign policy and the domestic factor, Brian Porter diplomacy and the modern state, Christopher Hill the state and integration, John Brown Martin Kolinsky on the withering away of the state, Cornelia Navari the state and war, Philip Windsor what ought to be done about the condition of states?, Mervyn Frost Hegel, civil society and the state, John Charvet the duties of liberal states, Christopher Brewin states, food and the world common interest, Michael Donelan.


International Affairs | 2014

Territoriality, self-determination and Crimea after Badinter

Cornelia Navari

The Arbitration Commission of the Conference on Yugoslavia provided the basis of the post-Cold War territorial settlements in Europe. These included democratization criteria for the recognition of the new states in central Europe and a new territorial concept that allowed the internal borders of federated states to serve as international borders. In the process, the commission endorsed cultural nationalism within fixed borders and encouraged a significant degree of political self-determination. The commissioners also supported identity nationalism as a genuine aspiration, giving rise to �an interesting direction of thought� concerning the interpretation and meaning of the self-determination of peoples, and these provoked an enhanced understanding and protection of the rights of minorities. This was to provide a basis for the legitimacy claims not only of Bosnian Serbs and Kosovars, but also of Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Crimea.


Archive | 2013

Liberalism, Democracy, and International Law — An English School Approach

Cornelia Navari

Liberalism may be in decline, but democracy is in the ascendancy. According to Freedom House, the US-based non-governmental organisation that conducts research and advocacy on democracy, the number of democracies has increased from 41 (out of 150) states in 1974 to 117 of 195 states in 2011 (www.freedomhouse.org). “Democracy” became the general call for reform in the former Soviet satellite states and dependencies, and guided the reform process in both. It has become the chief justification for secessions, as in East Timor; and the present Arab Spring is being dominated by calls for democracy. Most importantly, the United States has declared that it will give support to democracy movements in countries struggling to escape from autocratic rule, a declaration made in the face of a strong non-intervention norm.


Archive | 2013

Guide to the English School in International Studies: Navari/Guide to the English School in International Studies

Cornelia Navari; Daniel M. Green

About the Contributors vii Introduction to the English School in International Studies 1 Daniel M. Green 1 The Historical Development of the English School 7 Hidemi Suganami 2 The British Committee on the Theory of International Politics and Its Central Figures 25 Roger Epp 3 The British Committee and International Society: History and Theory 37 Brunello Vigezzi 4 The Historical Expansion of International Society 59 Barry Buzan and Richard Little 5 The English School and Institutions: British Institutionalists? 77 Laust Schouenborg 6 The International System International Society Distinction 91 Tim Dunne and Richard Little 7 The Regional Dimension of International Society 109 Yannis A. Stivachtis 8 The International Society World Society Distinction 127 John Williams 9 Order and Justice 143 Andrew Hurrell 10 The Pluralist Solidarist Debate in the English School 159 William Bain 11 Three Traditions of International Theory 171 Edward Keene 12 Normative Theory in the English School 185 Molly Cochran 13 English School Methodology 205 Cornelia Navari 14 The Global Diffusion of the English School 223 Yongjin Zhang Index 241


Archive | 2003

When Agents Cannot Act: International Institutions as ‘Moral Patients’

Cornelia Navari

There are two ways in which collectives may be considered subjects of moral concern, or have moral standing. One, discussed in the other chapters in this book, is as moral agents. Moral agents are characterized by the possession of autonomy, rationality, and choice, as well as by the ability to take responsibility for their actions. The other is as moral patients. Unlike moral agents, moral patients may not be autonomous, they may not have reasoning capability, nor are they necessarily in a position to make moral choices. They are entities whose chief characteristic is not that they have duties, but rather that they are those to whom duties may be owed. Rather than duties, they may have rights. In any event, they have moral standing, even if they lack the usual criteria for moral agency.


Archive | 2013

The Terrain of the Middle Ground

Cornelia Navari

In ethical debate, the ‘middle ground’ signifies the position between two alternatives in applied ethics, alternatives that are frequently represented as, or demonstrated to be, extremes. This may be the distance between two opposed moralities, such as allowing homosexuals to become ministers in the Church of England, at one end, as opposed to forbidding them even the sacraments. It may also be the distance between a thoroughgoing moral skepticism and the further reaches of naive ‘idealism’. Molly Cochran has recently used the term ‘middle ground’ to characterize the aspirations of members of the British Committee on International Theory, to locate an ethic that could combine state interests with some form of international morality (Cochran 2009). The term echoes Aristotle’s ‘mean’ (sometimes the ‘golden mean’); and the method of argument frequently follows the structure of the Nicomachean ethics, where Aristotle proposed that virtuous conduct was to be found in the avoidance of extremes.


Cooperation and Conflict | 2003

English Reflections on the Handbook

Cornelia Navari

Storms may abound in our discipline, but the Handbook is an island of tranquillity. This summary of the major advances in the discipline over past decades displays a remarkable peaceableness. Each chapter proceeds along similar lines of the major disciplinary developments of the last several decades, points to the conflicts between the major theories, but also seeks for the similarities among them. Conflicts are reconciled where possible. Bibliographies are generous in their inclusiveness, shared concerns are emphasized, and the agendas yet to be fulfilled do not seem to be open to much dispute. There is a strong preference for ‘synthesizing theory’; that is, trying to find the points at which contending theories might meet and confirm, or supplement, one another. This peaceableness has been constructed to a degree. The contributors represent the institutional mainstream. Postmodernists, structuralists and marxistes, while occasionally mentioned, are not represented. Neo-realists are conspicuous by their absence.Wight’s contribution on social science and International Relations makes the crucial distinction between cause in the Humean sense and cause in the ‘scientific sense’, but does not explore this important issue, perhaps because most of the contributors do in fact accept the relevance of seeking for ‘causes’, however defined. Certainly, the ‘noncausalists’ are given short shrift. But if the contributors are ‘mainstream’, this only serves to emphasize that there is one. The consensus on display includes a preference for generalizing propositions, mostly cross historically, and for robust theory-building that employs one or another empirical method. There is a general disdain for what Janice Stein characterizes as ‘broad deductive theories based on flawed assumptions that violate much of what we know about how individuals and collectives define themselves and choose’. (The broadside seems to be aimed at idealist assumptions of ‘human nature’ but could equally apply to realist assumptions of state rationality in optimizing outcomes.) It is also determinedly politicist: sociological theories of large-scale social change do not put in much of an appearance, important as they were in the origins and development of the discipline. Presently, policy choice

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