Daniel Cetrà

The Independence Case in Comparative Perspective

Scotland is not the only sub-state unit in Europe where relevant political actors make claims for independence. To generate insights on these independence demands, we compare the drivers, arguments and popular support for secession in Scotland, the Basque Country, Catalonia and Flanders. We argue that national identity, party politics and the economy are behind the independence requests, and the exact articulation of these elements varies from case to case. Currently, the most salient of these demands are the ones from Catalonia; Basque demands for self-determination are less prominent than in the past, whereas the demand for a vote on independence is much less articulated in Flanders. Although the Scottish independence referendum has set a precedent for solving independence disputes, we argue that the possibilities of exporting the Scottish referendum experience to other realities are limited.

Breaking-up within Europe: Sub-state Nationalist Strategies in Multilevel Polities: Breaking-up within Europe

This article examines sub†state nationalist strategies in relation to European integration in the Basque Country, Catalonia, Flanders and Scotland. First, we discuss the impact of European and economic integration on sovereignty and the cost of independence for small nations. Second, we compare the support for the European project in our four territories. We stress that European integration is a divisive issue in British politics but fundamentally consensual in the other cases. Third, we examine the European strategies of sub†state nationalist parties. We distinguish between two broad strategies, one maximizing regional influence in the EU and the other promoting independence within the EU. Regarding the latter, we focus on the cases of Scotland and Catalonia, where sub†state nationalist parties currently seek independence.

‘The Song Remains The Same?’: Constitutional Developments in Catalonia and Scotland in 2015

Scotland and Catalonia have long been seen as comparative cases: distinctive minority national identities with autonomist movements that have seen a measure of electoral or constitutional success. In 2014, both cases reached a critical juncture, with an official referendum in Scotland and a non-binding ‘participation process’ in Catalonia. Those events have been studied in detail elsewhere, but the focus of this article is on the aftermath – specifically, the political and constitutional developments in each case in the 12 months following their respective votes. In particular, we look at the plethora of actors involved in each case, the evolution of their attitudes and strategies and conclude that, irrespective of recent developments, the constitutional question will remain on the agenda in both Scotland and Catalonia for the foreseeable future.

The 2015 Catalan election

ABSTRACT The 2015 Catalan regional election, held on 27 September, was framed as a proxy for an independence referendum by the pro-independence parties. This was meant to bypass the PP-led central governments opposition to permit an official referendum. After an election campaign clearly dominated by the independence issue, the results delivered a majority of seats but not of votes for the pro-independence camp. However, the reading of the results as a de facto referendum is not straightforward. Growing polarization around the independence issue resulted in the emergence of two main blocs, for and against independence; in the polarization of stances within the blocs; and in substantial changes in the Catalan party system. The lack of agreement between the secessionist parties over the reappointment of Artur Mas as president almost triggered a new election but, in a last-minute move, Mas stepped aside. The new government aims to declare independence in 18 months.

The 2015 Catalan election: ade factoreferendum on independence?

ABSTRACT The 2015 Catalan regional election, held on 27 September, was framed as a proxy for an independence referendum by the pro-independence parties. This was meant to bypass the PP-led central governments opposition to permit an official referendum. After an election campaign clearly dominated by the independence issue, the results delivered a majority of seats but not of votes for the pro-independence camp. However, the reading of the results as a de facto referendum is not straightforward. Growing polarization around the independence issue resulted in the emergence of two main blocs, for and against independence; in the polarization of stances within the blocs; and in substantial changes in the Catalan party system. The lack of agreement between the secessionist parties over the reappointment of Artur Mas as president almost triggered a new election but, in a last-minute move, Mas stepped aside. The new government aims to declare independence in 18 months.