Daniel Stockemer

Women's parliamentary representation: are women more highly represented in (consolidated) democracies than in non-democracies?

Although there have been many studies that address the representation of women in parliament, there are few analyses that compare the current state of gender representation between democracies and non-democracies. Focusing on Africa, Central and South America, as well as Asia and the Pacific region, this paper evaluates whether democracies have more female deputies or whether female representation increases with the maturity of democracy. While controlling for the type of electoral system, quotas, womens participation in the workforce, a states GDP, as well as its degree of corruption and Communist regime type, this cross-national analysis reveals that the variable democracy does not affect the representation of the genders in parliament. Womens parliamentary representation also does not increase with the maturity of democracy.

Why do richer democracies survive?—The non-effect of unconventional political participation

Abstract Since Seymour Lipsets (1959) seminal article on the social prerequisites of democracy, many scholars have found a strong empirical correlation between increases in per capita income and democracy. Given this strong connection however, an important gap in the literature remains—what are the pathways linking wealth and democracy? This paper attempts to establish the validity of one of the possible paths by testing the three-fold relationship between per capita Gross Domestic Product (GDP), unconventional political participation and democratic consolidation. Despite finding a strong positive correlation between per capita GDP and the consolidation of democracy, this research reveals that unconventional political participation is not mediating this effect.

Women's Representation: A Comparison between Europe and the Americas

Prior research on womens representation conducted in various parts of the world has indicated that the type of electoral system, quotas, the timing of womens suffrage, womens participation in the workforce and a countrys development all have an influence. In this study all of these characteristics are first investigated for the national parliaments of Europe. In a second step, the robustness of the model is tested by applying it to the Americas. This analysis reveals that the model generated for Europe does not provide a good fit for explaining the extent of womens representation in North, Central and South America. Consequently, it is still impossible to generalise about the state of womens representation.

Why are there differences in the political representation of women in the 27 countries of the European Union

Abstract Although there have been many studies that address the representation of women in parliament, few explore gender representation in the 27 countries of the European Union. Prior research on womens representation conducted in different areas of the world has emphasized the type of electoral system, quotas, the economic affluence of a country, the timing of womens suffrage, as well as the political culture. In this evaluation these commonly used indicators are complemented by two factors that are not frequently employed – the percentage of women in managerial positions and the political ideology of parliamentary parties. This cross-national analysis reveals that the electoral system type, the number of women in managerial positions and the years women have had the right to vote are the most important factors in determining womens representation.

The French National Front: A Comparison between Elected Officials' Assessments of Popular Support for the French National Front and Public Opinion Polls

Abstract Many studies on right-wing extremist parties have focused on socio-economic and structural factors to determine why citizens vote for the extreme right. However, no analysis has yet solicited the opinions of elected officials of non-far-rightist parties on relevant factors related to support for extremist parties. Based on a survey of 30 members of the National Assembly, the Senate and the European Parliament, this paper engages in this quest and compares politicians opinions on indicators such as a (perceived) loss of French national identity, immigration and variables related to the presence of foreigners such as crime and unemployment, with those of the general public. This research goal is to find out whether there are discrepancies between elected politicians of non-rightist parties and the general public. The results highlight some contradictions. Politicians perceive, on average, a loss of national identity as the least important indicator and illegal immigration as the most pressing factor for why people turn to the FN. This is at odds with the perception of the general public, who, unlike politicians, identify a loss of national identity as critical.

Does democracy lead to good governance? The question applied to Africa and Latin America

This research bridges two well-established bodies of literature; democratization literature and development literature. Scholars in the first camp frequently focus on the relationship between democracy and economic performance, whereas researchers adhering to the second camp often attempt to establish the link between good governance and sustainable economic and social development. However, both groups fall short of systematically linking the effect of democracy to good governance. Focusing on Africa and Latin America this research fills this gap by examining whether democracy and democratization lead to more responsible and effective governance. Through pooled time-series analysis this article reveals a strong significant effect of democracy on good governance. This article also illustrates that a states move toward democracy immediately triggers improved governance practices, albeit with a stronger effect on Africa than on Latin America.

HIV/AIDS in Africa: explaining the differences in HIV prevalence rates

‘We are standing on the brink of a global crisis in infectious diseases. No country is safe from them. No country can any longer afford to ignore their threat.’ These words, attributed to the director general of the World Health Organization, Dr Hiroshi Nakajima, portray the increasing global threat of diseases that now cut across political, economic, and technological boundaries. Causing over 17 million deaths worldwide, diseases like AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria are responsible for approximately one-third of all deaths. The problem is worsening as some diseases, once almost eliminated by antibiotics, have mutated and become drug resistant and new illnesses have emerged that have no treatment, cure or vaccine. Despite their magnitude and severity, diseases are not the focus of most political scientists. In fact, aside from a handful of scholars, the discipline of political science has remained ‘shockingly silent’ on important topics such as these. However, this is quite surprising considering that diseases may influence the international system as much as does conflict or war. Traversing boundaries of class, race, gender, and sexual orientation, diseases not only threaten and steal the lives of millions of individuals each year but also affect the economic, political, and military well-being of nations and states. Epidemics have been the determining factor in many conflicts and partially account for the current global distribution of power and wealth. Additionally, like the current epidemic of malaria in Africa, diseases may cripple a country’s economy by inhibiting labour productivity, deterring foreign investment, travel, and tourism, and gnawing away at household and state budgets. As viruses and the effects of diseases do not hold passports and they do not stop at international boundaries, with increasing global interconnectedness the devastation of one nation can affect others. Owing to the scope, magnitude, and longterm effects of illnesses on the world’s economy, politics, and demography, political scientists should not pass by the opportunity to study diseases. Among the current host of illnesses a particularly disastrous epidemic, the Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome