Daniel T. Levin
Kent State University
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Psychonomic Bulletin & Review | 1998
Daniel J. Simons; Daniel T. Levin
Recent research on change detection has documented surprising failures to detect visual changes occurring between views of a scene, suggesting the possibility that visual representations contain few details. Although these studies convincingly demonstrate change blindness for objects in still images and motion pictures, they may not adequately assess the capacity to represent objects in the real world. Here we examine and reject the possibility that change blindness in previous studies resulted from passive viewing of 2-D displays. In one experiment, an experimenter initiated a conversation with a pedestrian, and during the interaction, he was surreptitiously replaced by a different experimenter. Only half of the pedestrians detected the change. Furthermore, successful detection depended on social group membership; pedestrians from the same social group as the experimenters detected the change but those from a different social group did not. A second experiment further examined the importance of this effect of social group. Provided that the meaning of the scene is unchanged, changes to attended objects can escape detection even when they occur during a natural, real-world interaction. The discussion provides a set of guidelines and suggestions for future research on change blindness.
Journal of Experimental Psychology: General | 2000
Daniel T. Levin
One of the most familiar empirical phenomena associated with face recognition is the cross-race (CR) recognition deficit whereby people have difficulty recognizing members of a race different from their own. Most researchers assume that the CR deficit is caused by failure to generalize perceptual encoding expertise from same-race (SR) faces to CR faces. However, this explanation ignores critical differences in the social cognitions and feature coding priorities associated with SR and CR faces. On the basis of data from visual search and perceptual discrimination tasks, it appears that the deficit occurs because people emphasize visual information specifying race at the expense of individuating information when recognizing CR faces. In particular, it is possible to observe a paradoxical improvement in both detection and perceptual discrimination accuracy for CR faces that is limited to those who recognize them poorly. These findings support a new explanation for the CR recognition deficit based on feature coding differences between CR and SR faces, and appear incompatible with similarity-based models of face categories.
Psychonomic Bulletin & Review | 1997
Daniel T. Levin; Daniel J. Simons
Our intuition that we richly represent the visual details of our environment is illusory. When viewing a scene, we seem to use detailed representations of object properties and interobject relations to achieve a sense of continuity across views. Yet, several recent studies show that human observers fail to detect changes to objects and object properties when localized retinal information signaling a change is masked or eliminated (e.g., by eye movements). However, these studies changed arbitrarily chosen objects which may have been outside the focus of attention. We draw on previous research showing the importance of spatiotemporal information for tracking objects by creating short motion pictures in which objects in both arbitrary locations and the very center of attention were changed. Adult observers failed to notice changes in both cases, even when the sole actor in a scene transformed into another person across an instantaneous change in camera angle (or “cut”).
Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory and Cognition | 1996
Daniel T. Levin
This article explored the finding that cross-race (CR) faces are more quickly classified by race than same race (SR) faces. T. Valentine and M. Endo (1992) modeled this effect by assuming that face categories can be explained on the basis of node activations in a multidimensional exemplar space. Therefore, variations in exemplar density between and within face categories explain both facilitated classification of CR faces and the relationship between typicality and classification RT within face categories. The present findings from classification and visual search tasks suggest that speeded classification of CR faces is instead caused by a quickly coded race feature that marks CR but not SR faces. Also, systematic manipulations of facial typicality cause no variation in classifiability aside from slowed classification of very distinctive faces. These results suggest that the exemplar model cannot explain important aspects of face classification. Although face perception is usually studied from the standpoint of our amazing ability to differentiate a large number of faces, representations of face categories are also important. The process of categorizing individual faces has a number of implications both for general models of classification and for understanding face identification. The focus here is on the apparently paradoxical finding that participants are faster to classify faces they have difficulty recognizing. In the present case, this means that White participants classify Black or Asian faces faster than White faces (Levin, 1989; Valentine & Endo, 1992). In attempting to understand facilitated classification of cross-race faces (hereinafter referred to as the CR [cross-race] classification advantage), the present research considers explanations for the CR classification advantage as they relate to the basic structure of face categories, both in terms of discrimination between categories and in terms of their internal structure. Three explanations for the CR classification advantage are tested here. The first, stemming from Valentines (1991) multidimensional space framework, places the advantage in the context of an exemplar model of face classification and recognition. This model uses simple assumptions based on
Visual Cognition | 2000
Daniel T. Levin; Nausheen Momen; Sarah B. Drivdahl; Daniel J. Simons
Recent research has demonstrated that subjects fail to detect large between-view changes to natural and artificial scenes. Yet, most people (including psychologists) believe that they would detect the changes. We report two experiments documenting this metacognitive error. In Experiment 1, students in a large General Psychology class were asked if they thought they would notice the change in four different situations previously tested by Levin and Simons (1997) and Simons and Levin (1998). Most claimed that they would have noticed even relatively small changes that real observers rarely detected. In Experiment 2, subjects were tested individually and half were asked to predict whether someone else would detect the changes. Subjects again overestimated the degree to which changes would be detected, both by themselves and by others. We discuss possible reasons for these metacognitive errors including distorted beliefs about visual experience, change, and stability.
Cognition | 1998
Frank C. Keil; W. Carter Smith; Daniel J. Simons; Daniel T. Levin
Concepts seem to consist of both an associative component based on tabulations of feature typicality and similarity judgments and an explanatory component based on rules and causal principles. However, there is much controversy about how each component functions in concept acquisition and use. Here we consider two assumptions, or dogmas, that embody this controversy and underlie much of the current cognitive science research on concepts. Dogma 1: Novel information is first processed via similarity judgments and only later is influenced by explanatory components. Dogma 2: Children initially have only a similarity-based component for learning concepts; the explanatory component develops on the foundation of this earlier component. We present both empirical and theoretical arguments that these dogmas are unfounded, particularly with respect to real world concepts; we contend that the dogmas arise from a particular species of empiricism that inhibits progress in the study of conceptual structure; and finally, we advocate the retention of a hybrid model of the structure of knowledge despite our rejection of these dogmas.
Consciousness and Cognition | 2002
Daniel J. Simons; Christopher F. Chabris; Tatiana T. Schnur; Daniel T. Levin
People often fail to detect large changes to scenes, provided that the changes occur during a visual disruption. This phenomenon, known as change blindness, occurs both in the laboratory and in real-world situations in which changes occur unexpectedly. The pervasiveness of the inability to detect changes is consistent with the theoretical notion that we internally represent relatively little information from our visual world from one glance at a scene to the next. However, evidence for change blindness does not necessarily imply the absence of such a representation---people could also miss changes if they fail to compare an existing representation of the pre-change scene to the post-change scene. In three experiments, we show that people often do have a representation of some aspects of the pre-change scene even when they fail to report the change. And, in fact, they appear to discover this memory and can explicitly report details of a changed object in response to probing questions. The results of these real-world change detection studies are discussed in the context of broader claims about change blindness.
British Journal of Psychology | 2002
Daniel T. Levin; Daniel J. Simons; Bonnie L. Angelone; Christopher F. Chabris
People often have difficulty detecting visual changes in scenes, a phenomenon referred to as change blindness. Although change blindness is usually observed in pictures of objects that are not the focus of attention, it also occurs for attended objects in the real world. Here, we further explore the finding that many participants fail to detect the unexpected substitution of one conversation partner for another. We show that change blindness for a conversation partner occurs in a variety of situations. Furthermore, when tested with a photographic lineup following the change, participants who noticed the substitution showed better memory for both pre- and post-change experimenters than participants who did not detect the change. We conclude that change blindness in this case is associated with relatively ineffective or inaccessible representations of previously attended objects, and we contrast these results with others indicating that change blindness arises from a failure to compare the original and changed object.
Attention Perception & Psychophysics | 2000
Daniel T. Levin; James M. Beale
On the basis of findings that categorical perception (CP) is possible in complex visual stimuli such as faces, the present study tested for CP on continua between unfamiliar face pairs. Results indicate that CP can be observed for unfamiliar faces, in both familiar (same-race) and unfamiliar (other-race) groups. In addition, significant CP effects were observed in inverted faces. Finally, half-continua were tested where midpoint stimuli became endpoints. This was done to ensure that stimulus artifacts did not account for the observed CP effects. Consistent with the perceptual rescaling associated with CP, half-continua showed a rescaled CP effect. We argue that these CP effects are based on the rapid acquisition of perceptual equivalence classes.
Attention Perception & Psychophysics | 2001
Daniel T. Levin; Yukari Takarae; Andrew G. Miner; Frank C. Keil
In this report, we explored the features that support visual search for broadly inclusive natural categories. We used a paradigm in which subjects searched for a randomly selected target from one category (e.g., one of 32 line drawings of artifacts or animals in displays ranging from three to nine items) among a mixed set of distractors from the other. We found that search was surprisingly fast. Target-present slopes for animal targets among artifacts ranged from 10.8 to 16.0 msec/item, and slopes for artifact targets ranged from 5.5 to 6.2 msec/item. Experiments 2–5 tested factors that affect both the speed of the search and the search asymmetry favoring detection of artifacts among animals. They converge on the conclusion that target-distractor differences in global contour shape (e.g., rectilinearity/curvilinearity) and visual typicality of parts and form facilitate search by category. We argue that existing theories are helpful in understanding these findings but that they need to be supplemented to account for the specific features that specify categories and to account for subjects’ ability to quickly locate targets representing heterogeneous and formally complex categories.