David A. Caputo

The Public Hearing as an Effective Citizen Participation Mechanism: A Case Study of the General Revenue Sharing Program

Students of citizen participation in public affairs disagree as to the effectiveness of such citizen involvement. Using the General Revenue Sharing program as a case study and applying techniques of both cross-sectional and longitudinal analysis, this article examines the effectiveness of one form of citizen participation, the public hearing. It is found that in the revenue-sharing program, the public hearing did have an immediate, but only short-term, impact on levels of public interest and citizen involvement. Evidence to support some short-term and some long-term effects on reported expenditure decisions is presented; however, these impacts generally are found to be inconsequential and not statistically significant. It is concluded that, as aform of citizen participation, the public hearing-at least as demonstrated in the General Revenue Sharing program-has not had much of an impact on citizen behavior or policy choices.

New perspectives on the public policy implications of defense and welfare expenditures in four modern democracies: 1950–1970

This article compares expenditure decisions in four “Western” democracies (Australia, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States) in the policy areas of defense, health, education, and all government expenditures from 1950 to 1970. In addition, national income is used as a measure of economic growth in the four countries. The research focuses on the yearly fluctuations of expenditures and the statistical relationships existing among the variables under changing conditions.The research indicates significant departure from prior research findings and suggests that the assumption of an explicit trade-off between defense and welfare expenditures be reconsidered. In addition, when varying economic growth was examined, the research again indicates the need for reconsideration of prior relationships. Throughout, the article encourages the development of comparative policy research and theory and recommends the development of careful theoretical and methodological constructs.

Presidential Control of the Senior Civil Service: Assessing the Strategies of the Nixon Years

Modern presidents must be attentive to influences of the federal bureaucracy on their policy initiatives and all attempt some measure of bureaucratic control. This article assesses the extent of President Nixons success in gaining some degree of management control over the bureaucracy through the manipulation of the civil service personnel system. We find that Republicans were, in fact, more likely to be selected to top career positions during the Nixon years. We find also that career executives calling themselves Independents were more likely during the Nixon years than before to resemble Republican executives in their support of Nixons policies and goals. This is significant to presidential control because of the large number of bureaucrats calling themselves Independents. We conclude that Independent career executives may provide a president with a considerable reservoir of bureaucratic support.

General Revenue Sharing and American Federalism: Towards the Year 2000

This summary essay explores the political con text and the limitations on attempts to measure the impact of general revenue sharing. Contextual matters relating to political developments, specific legislative requirements, and comparisons with prior categorical programs are explored. In addition, the impact of general revenue sharing on ex penditure decisions and political developments are reviewed and considered. The concluding sections summarize the essential points where the renewal debate concerning general revenue sharing is most likely to become intense and parti san. Finally, the overall importance of general revenue sharing for American federalism is considered and a perspec tive on the role of general revenue sharing offered.

Leadership Opposition To Consolidation

Supported by a Republican mayor and passed by a Republican-dominated state legislature, Indianapolis and Marion County, Indiana, on January 1, 1970, became one of an increasing number of metropolitan areas to consolidate their separate and independent units of local government. Although such consolidation often is advocated by both political scientists and urban administrators (see Jones, 1942; Banfield and Wilson, 1963; Hawley and Zimmer, 1967; Hester, 1970), it has in every case succeeded only after a struggle with formidable and persistent opposition. In the case of Nashville, Tennessee, for example, two attempts, separated by a four-year interval, were necessary to finally accomplish consolidation (see Elazar, 1961; Booth, 1963). Surprisingly, only a few of the many studies of metropolitan consolidation have focused upon the nature of public or elite opposition. While Hawley and Zimmer (1970: 5) are primarily concerned with voter opposition, their complaint is that

New Federalism and Midwestern Cities: 1981–1985

President Ronald Reagan introduced a major new domestic initiative during his first term. The intent was to reduce the size and scope of the federal government and to increase the fiscal responsibility of local governments. Mail questionnaires were sent to mayors, city managers, and finance officers in cities over 25, 000 population in Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, and Wisconsin asking the respondents to indicate their perception of the impact the Reagan program had had on their cities in the previous year and their perception of its anticipated impact. Response rates were nearly 50 percent for each survey. The respondents consistently overestimated the impact the Reagan program would have on their cities. The following analysis explores the relationship between perceived effects and city and respondent characteristics, such as size, partisan identification, and state. While the Reagan policies have had a substantial impact on these cities, the impact is not as negative as the respondents originally thought.

Community size, public attitudes, and population-policy preferences.

Survey data from the 1971 Commission on Population Growth and the American Future are utilized to investigate the relationships between community size, public attitudes, and population-policy preferences. Contrary to popular belief, the analysis indicates that there is no direct relationship between larger community size and concern over population matters or more activist governmental policies to control or influence population growth or distribution. The analysis also indicates that policy makers may not be as bound by public attitudes as they claim when dealing with population issues. The implications of these findings for subsequent policy making are then pursued.