David Domke

“To Thine Own Self Be True”: Values, Framing, and Voter Decision-Making Strategies

This article builds on multidisciplinary research on framing, motivation, and decision making to examine the relationships among media frames, individual interpretations of issues, and voter decision making. Chosen for an experimental study were two research populations, evangelical Christians and undergraduate students, who were expected to differ in their values and priorities. Subjects were presented simulated newspaper articles about an election contest and asked to make a candidate choice. Within issue environments containing candidate stands on four issues, the media frame of a single issue, health care, was altered: one experimental group in each population received an ethical textual frame and the other a material textual frame. Findings indicate that media frames and issue interpretations, in conjunction, substantially influence the type of decision-making strategy voters employ. Implications for future research on politics and media are discussed.

Elite Cues and Media Bias in Presidential Campaigns Explaining Public Perceptions of a Liberal Press

Public perception of a biased news media, particularly media biased in a liberal direction, has increased over the past 3 presidential elections. To examine what might be influencing this public opinion, the authors look at shifts in public perception of media bias, press coverage of the topic of media bias, and the balance in valence coverage of presidential candidates—all during the 1988, 1992, and 1996 presidential elections. Their results suggest that the rise in public perception that news media are liberally biased is not the result of bias in valence news coverage of the candidates, but, rather, due to increasing news self-coverage that focuses on the general topic of bias in news content. Furthermore, the increased claims of media bias come primarily from conservative elites who have proclaimed a liberal bias that is viewed as including the entire media industry.

U.S. National Identity, Political Elites, and a Patriotic Press Following September 11

In the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on New York City and Washington, D.C. on September 11, 2001, U.S. government and military leaders often articulated distinctly pro-American themes in their...

The Spiral of Silence and Public Opinion on Affirmative Action

This study sought to more fully explicate the key variables involved in Noelle-Neumanns spiral of silence theory, which states that fear of isolation keeps individuals from expressing opinions perceived to be in the minority. We tested the theory in the context of public discussion about affirmative action policies, a domain seemingly ideal due to its moral and value-laden characteristics. Data from 217 randomly selected adults in October 1998 indicate that fear of isolation indeed prevents one from publicly voicing perceived minority opinions. Willingness to speak out on a controversial ballot initiative was predicted also by demographics, media use, and importance of the issue. However, it was perceived consonance of ones opinion with family and friends—rather than society at large—that predicted willingness to speak out.

Going Public as Political Strategy: The Bush Administration, an Echoing Press, and Passage of the Patriot Act

Research suggests that political elites excel at controlling political and media information environments, particularly in times of national crisis, such as the events and aftermath of September 11. This study examines the creation and passage of the Patriot Act, which was proposed by the Bush administration following the terrorist attacks and quickly passed with strong support by the U.S. Congress. We argue that (a) the public communications of the Bush administration, particularly those by George W. Bush and John Ashcroft, and (b) news coverage about the legislation were instrumental in this outcome. Public communications by Bush and Ashcroft and news coverage about the Act were content analyzed to identify the timing of the messages and the themes and perspectives emphasized, and congressional debates and activities were examined for insight into their relation with administration and press discourse. Findings suggest that Bush and Ashcrofts communications, in combination with a press that largely echoed the administrations messages, created an environment in which Congress faced significant pressure to pass the legislation with remarkable speed.

Newspaper Editorials Follow Lead of Bush Administration

This study examines the interplay among President Bush, key members of the administration and military and the news media between Sept. 11 and Oct. 7, 2002, when the U.S. military campaign began in Afghanistan. The research suggests that the administration messages influenced the editorials in The New York Times and The Washington Post.

Masculinity as Political Strategy: George W. Bush, the “War on Terrorism,” and an Echoing Press

ABSTRACT Scholars have demonstrated the centrality of masculinity as an ideology in the American presidency, but have devoted insufficient attention to the manner in which political leaders can emphasize masculine themes to gain strategic advantage, and how media organizations can be encouraged to adopt such themes in news coverage. With this in mind, in this research we analyze (1) President George W. Bushs public communications prior to and immediately following the attacks of September 11, 2001, and (2) NBC network television news coverage and New York Times and Washington Post editorials during the latter dates to elucidate the nature of masculinity as a political strategy. Findings indicate that in the aftermath of September 11 Bush enacted a highly masculine ideology through his treatment of the press and emphasis upon two masculine themes–strength and dominance–and that this approach facilitated wide circulation of his masculine discourse in the press.

Elite Messages and Source Cues: Moving Beyond Partisanship

In public debate about many social issues, leading societal actors, groups, and institutions interact with a goal of shaping citizens’ perceptions and outlook. In this process, a growing body of research suggests that what social and political elites say and do, and the manner in which news media report these actions, often exerts considerable influence upon citizens’ opinion formation and policy evaluations (Jasperson, Shah, Watts, Faber, & Fan, 1998; Sniderman, Brody, & Tetlock, 1991; Watts, Domke, Shah, & Fan, 1999; Zaller, 1992). A premise of this research is that while some individuals are motivated, interested, and capable of comprehensive processing of political ideas and messages (e.g., Chaiken, 1980; Petty & Cacioppo, 1986), many citizens, when given appropriate opportunities, use shortcuts in forming political judgments, such as relying on trusted sources of information (Kuklinski & Hurley, 1994; McGuire, 1969; Mondak, 1993). Building upon this scholarship, this paper suggests that a nuanced understanding of elites—that is, elected and appointed officials, party leaders, other recognized political spokespersons—and their influence in politics must take into account the role of source cues in citizens’ information processing. Indeed, some aggregate-level research suggests that elites’ partisan ties serve as important cues in the public’s filtering of discourse about media and politics (Dalton, Beck, & Huckfeldt, 1998; Watts et al., 1999; Zaller, 1994). Virtually unexamined, however, is the potential influence of other seemingly important source characteristics of political elites—such as one’s race or gender. With this in mind, this paper offers a theoretical framework that attempts to link elite discourse, source cues, and citizens’ racial and political cognitions. We then note some preliminary results of an experiment in which the source of a first-person essay about race relations, presented in the context of a leading newsmagazine, was systematically

When Politics Is a Woman’s Game Party and Gender Ownership in Woman-Versus-Woman Elections

Research on the interplay of gender and political party in voters’ candidate evaluations has long focused on all-male elections and more recently on mixed-gender elections. This study takes the next theoretical step and focuses on woman-versus-woman elections. Specifically, we examine political party- and gender-based “ownerships” of political issues and character traits in the context of female-only elections. With an experimental design, adult participants were randomly assigned to read news articles that presented either two Republican or two Democratic women competing for Governor. Candidates were presented as “owning” stereotypically masculine or feminine issues and traits. Findings show that self-identified Democrats and Republicans eschewed the so-called masculine candidate, and preferred instead a partisan woman who created a gender balance of masculinity and femininity.

Political Pilgrimages: American Presidents and Religious Communities, 1933–2012

From extended religious journeys to brief family vacations, pilgrimages can be powerful cultural experiences. This chapter focuses on what we call “political pilgrimages,” moments when a political leader takes a trip to give a speech to a distinctly religious audience or at a site imbued with religious meaning. Drawing upon concepts from our book, The God Strategy: How Religion Became a Political Weapon in America, we develop a framework for understanding political pilgrimages and their importance in American politics. We track the contours of these pilgrimages across thirteen U.S. presidencies over eight decades. Three questions guide our analysis: To what extent do presidents engage in political pilgrimages? Where do presidents go when undertaking political pilgrimages? How do presidents talk about God and faith when undertaking political pilgrimages? Our analysis reveals that pilgrimages have become increasingly common over time, and that presidents vary widely in the extent to which they engage in them. Barack Obama broke with tradition to make far fewer pilgrimages than did his immediate predecessors. We also find that the typical presidential pilgrimage is to speak to a religious organization or meeting, rather than at a church, religious school, or foreign site. When speaking domestically, pilgrimage locations are remarkably limited. Many occur in Washington, DC, with the rest typically targeting a few very populous states. Presidents vary in the extent to which they talk about God and faith during their pilgrimages. Some variation is dependent on the site presidents are visiting, with pilgrimages to religious organizations and churches garnering more religious language than visits to religious schools and foreign sites. Recent presidents have been especially likely to invoke God and faith during their pilgrimages, a trend that corresponds to the heightened influence of Christian conservatives in the American political environment.