David Embick

Movement Operations after Syntax

We develop a theory of movement operations that occur after the syntactic derivation, in the PF component, within the framework of Distributed Morphology.The theory is an extension of what was called Morphological Merger in Marantz 1984 and subsequent work.A primary result is that the locality properties of a Merger operation are determined by the stage in the derivation at which the operation takes place: specifically, Merger that takes place before Vocabulary Insertion, on hierarchical structures, differs from Merger that takes place postVocabulary Insertion/linearization.Specific predictions of the model are tested in numerous case studies.Analyses showing the interaction of syntactic movement, PF movement, and rescue operations are provided as well, including a treatment of Englishdo-support.

On the Structure of Resultative Participles in English

The article examines the structure of resultative participles in English: participles that denote a state resulting from a prior event, such as The cake is flattened or The metal is hammered.The analysis identifies distinct stative participles that derive from the different heights at which aspectual morphemes attach in a verbalizing structure.The Aspect head involved in resultative participles is shown to attach to a vP that is also found in (a) the formation of deadjectival verbs and (b) verb phrases with resultative secondary predicates, like John hammered the metal flat. These distinct constructions are shown to have a shared structural subcomponent.The analysis proposed here is compared with Lexicalist approaches employing the verbal versus adjectival passive distinction.It is shown that a uniformly syntactic analysis of the participles is superior to the Lexicalist alternative.

Architecture and Blocking

We discuss theoretical approaches to blocking effects, with particular emphasis on cases in which words appear to block phrases (and perhaps vice versa). These approaches share at least one intuition: that syntactic and semantic features create possible cells or slots in which particular items can appear, and that blocking occurs when one such cell is occupied by one form as opposed to another. Accounts of blocking differ along two primary dimensions: the size of the objects that compete with one another (morphemes, words, phrases, sentences); and whether or not ungrammatical forms are taken into consideration in determining the correct output (relatedly, whether otherwise well-formed objects are marked ungrammatical by competition). We argue that blocking in the sense of competition for the expression of syntactic or semantic features is limited to insertion of the phonological exponents of such features (the Vocabulary items of Distributed Morphology) at terminal nodes from the syntax. There is thus no blocking at the word level or above, and no competition between grammatical and ungrammatical structures. The architectural significance of these points is emphasized throughout the discussion.

Features, Syntax, and Categories in the Latin Perfect

The analysis centers on the notion of category in synthetic and analytic verbal forms and on the status of the feature that determines the forms of the Latin perfect. In this part of the Latin verbal system, active forms are synthetic (verbs) but passive forms are analytic (i.e., participle and finite auxiliary). I show that the two perfects occur in essentially the same structure and are distinguished by a difference in movement to T; moreover, the difference in forms can be derived without reference to category labels like Verb or Adjective on the Root. In addition, the difference in perfects is determined by a feature with clear syntactic consequences, which must be associated arbitrarily with certain Roots, the deponent verbs. I discuss the implications of these points in the context of Distributed Morphology, the theory in which the analysis is framed.

A magnetoencephalographic component whose latency reflects lexical frequency.

Magnetoencephalography (MEG) measured subjects brain responses during a lexical decision task. The words employed come from six frequency categories, which were defined in terms of a linear decrease in log-frequency. Although frequency effects in reaction-time are well-documented in studies of lexical access, a neural component whose latency predicts reaction time has not been discovered. This study identifies an MEG component (the M350) whose latency mirrors the frequency-effect.

Towards a computational(ist) neurobiology of language: correlational, integrated and explanatory neurolinguistics

We outline what an integrated approach to language research that connects experimental, theoretical and neurobiological (NB) domains of inquiry would look like and ask to what extent unification is possible across the domains. At the centre of the programme is the idea that computational/representational (CR) theories of language must be used to investigate its NB foundations. We consider different ways in which CR and NB might be connected. These are (1) a correlational way, in which NB computation is correlated with the CR theory; (2) an integrated way, in which NB data provide crucial evidence for choosing among CR theories; and (3) an explanatory way, in which properties of NB explain why a CR theory is the way it is. We examine various questions concerning the prospects for explanatory connections in particular, including to what extent it makes sense to say that NB could be specialised for particular computations.

Variation and morphosyntactic theory: Competition fractionated

The study of the ‘dynamic’ aspects of language – variation and change – and the development of grammatical theory are often pursued independently of one another. Concentrating on morphosyntax, this article explores connections between these domains that are centered on the notion of ‘competition’. When the relationship between competition for grammaticality and competition for use is articulated, it is clear that grammar competition models of variation and change are connected directly to specific theoretical approaches to synchronic grammar.

Cognitive neuroscience and the English past tense: comments on the paper by Ullman et al

features like [past] are provided with phonological material is called Vocabulary Insertion. In the case of Irregular verbs, the choice of affix, either -O or -t, is determined by the identity of the verb. That is, the affixes -O and -t, for e.g. hit hit-O and bend ben-t, are each specified for a list of the verbs on which they will appear. The insertion of the particular affixes -ed, -t, -O follows the Pān. inian principle, such that affixes with more specific conditions on insertion take precedence over less-specified affixes. Thus if the -O or -t affixes, which require specific lists for insertion, appear, the default past tense -ed will be blocked. From one point of view, the morphologist’s job is over when the list of stems to which restricted affixes apply have been identified. If these stems do not belong to a conjugational class, i.e., if this list is not relevant for the choice of other affixes, then the list is morphologically uninteresting. However, to say that the list is arbitrary is not to say that it does not have a structure that is important for both language acquisition and language use. Apparently, these lists are organized at least The status of Tense as a syntactic component separate from the Verb in English stems from Chomsky (1957). For discussion of the former issue, and clarification of a number of questions concerning the acquisition of such lists,

Mapping syntax using imaging: problems and prospects for the study of neurolinguistic computation

The study of language in the brain is the study of the computations responsible for the structure and processing of language. Hemodynamic imaging techniques can make a contribution to this area, but only if paired with a theory of the underlying formal processes. Statements like ‘syntax is mediated by Brocas area’ are too coarse (cognitively and cytoarchitectonically) to constitute insights into neurolinguistic computation. Numerous studies of syntactic processing report activation in Brocas area. However, other studies implicate Brocas area in nonsyntactic/nonlinguistic tasks, ruling out a restrictive linguistic interpretation of this region. This problem results from the failure to recognize that syntax is not a monolithic task, nor is Brocas area a monolithic area. Further progress in this area requires linking neuroimaging studies with detailed theories of the linguistic and nonlinguistic computations.

The morpheme : a theoretical introduction

This book develops a theory of the morpheme in the framework of Distributed Morphology. Particular emphasis is devoted to the way in which functional morphemes receive their phonological form post-syntactically, through the operation of Vocabulary Insertion. In addition to looking closely at syncretism, the primary motivation for Vocabulary Insertion, the book examines allomorphy, blocking, and other key topics in the theory of the morpheme.