David H. Bayley

The tactical choices of police patrol officers

Abstract This article presents the results of an attempt to describe exhaustively the tactics chosen by police patrol officers when handling highly problematic situations. The observations were made in Denver, Colorado, and focused on domestic disputes and “stops” for violations of motor vehicle regulations. The study determined that thirty-three categories were required to describe adequately what police did in domestic disputes and fourteen for motor vehicle stops. Tactical choices were found to vary according to the stage of the encounter between police and public. Tactics at three stages of encounters— contact, processing, and exit—were mapped and the relations between choices at each stage determined. The article concludes with a brief analysis of the relationship between tactical choices and situational factors.

Police reform: Who done it?

This paper examines nine innovations in American policing since the report of the Presidents Commission on Law Enforcement and the Administration of Justice (1967) - community-oriented policing, problem-oriented policing, signs-of-crime policing, hot-spots policing, mandatory arrest for spouse assault, enhancement of internal discipline, external oversight, COMPSTAT, and increased diversity of personnel. These innovations occurred from the top-down within policing and were not the product of collaboration with the rank-and-file. In all but two cases, innovations were not instigated by the police themselves but were formulated by people outside the police and brought to the police for adoption. I conclude that innovation occurred because of a system of collaboration between police and civil society that is unique in the world and was itself instigated by far-sighted police leaders.

A foreign policy for democratic policing

Police institutions fundamentally affect the character of political development. Using comparative and historical materials, this paper analyzes what developed democratic countries can reasonably hope to achieve by way of reforming foreign police institutions so as to encourage and support democratic political development. After reviewing the sorts of world experience that contains relevant lessons, the paper discusses foreign police policies, respectively, that cannot succeed, that have some possibility of success, and that are almost certain to succeed. The paper concludes by outlining the dilemma that democratic development through police reform must confront, and specifies 11 principles that should guide democratic foreign police‐policy.

Comparative Organization of the Police in English-Speaking Countries

In order to describe adequately the national organization of police, it is necessary to distinguish the number of autonomous forces, the coordination of jurisdictions among them, and the territorial and functional distribution of commands within them. Among the five English-speaking countries of Australia, Canada, Great Britain, India, and the United States, the number as well as the coordination of forces varies sharply. As a result, differences in scale are so great as to call into question the value of using either forces or police stations as units of managerial analysis. Surprisingly, the scale of jurisdictions does not affect the number of command levels within forces. One implication of this is that the concept of centralization/decentralization must be grounded in considerations of scale. Differences in national structures of policing depend on political settlements achieved at the time countries were formed. Differences in functional organization are smaller among countries than structural ones, and they depend on professional outlooks shared internationally. Finally, very little is known about the effects of police organization on goals and objectives. The entire subject is shrouded in unexamined assumptions often unintelligently applied.

Police Reform as Foreign Policy

Abstract This article discusses the worldwide enterprise of assisting in the reform of police institutions in order to support democracy. It describes the current scope of activity, the changing context for this kind of work, and the key lessons, both substantive and tactical, that have been learned about engaging in such assistance. It concludes with two recommendations about the most powerful levers for engendering democratic change in foreign police forces.

Cops and Spooks: The Role of Police in Counterterrorism

This chapter examines the role of full-service or general-duties policing in combating terrorism. In particular we are concerned with whether the counterterrorism activities of covert intelligence gathering and disruption are playing a larger role in the activities of police agencies today, and if so to what extent such a role is impacting the services that police are expected to provide in Western democracies. We begin with a comparison of national structures for conducting counterterrorism in Western democracies. Then, we explore the impact of counterterrorism post 9/11 on policing and specify specific factors that affect the strength of its impact. Finally, drawing heavily on information from the United States and Israel, the chapter discusses arguments for and against the involvement of police in covert terrorism prevention. Overall, we conclude that general duties police agencies should be cautious in adopting a strong counterterrorism function.

THE POLICE AND POLITICAL ORDER IN INDIA

will demonstrate this thesis by examining three aspects of Indian policing: (1) political direction, (2) police strikes, and (3) violence and crime. Although each of these features has a unique dynamic, which is explained, they are also related. The final section describes this interaction and links it to general factors shaping contemporary Indian political life. For readers unfamiliar with the Indian police system, a bit of description may be helpful. Except for some specialized police not worth mentioning, there is only one police force in India. Police organizations do not have concurrent jurisdictions as in the United States with its national, state, county, and municipal police. The police throughout the country are organized according to a single piece of national legislation. At the same time, operational command is decentralized, being the prerogative of Indias states. Thus the bulk of police are state police but are similar to one another in organization, training, command, and rank hierarchy. The national governments police consist only of the small Central Bureau of Investigation, David H. Bayley is Professor, Graduate School of International Studies, University of Denver. This article is based on close study of the Indian police over almost twenty years (see the authors The Police and Political Development in India, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969). More recently, the author gave written and oral testimony to the Indian National Police Commission and toured police facilities throughout India in 1978 and 1980. Many of the conclusions reached in the article are matters of judgment, reflecting the authors personal evaluation of trends. They are based primarily on interviews and observations and some documentary material for the most part not available in the public domain. As a result, sources cannot be cited in the customary manner.

Policing Hate: What can be done?

Violence arising out of social diversity, in particular race, ethnicity, religion, and culture, is the too common lot of humankind. This paper discusses what the police can do to mitigate the cruelty that hatred generates. It argues that police cannot reduce hatred directly, but can significantly contribute to creating an environment that lessens the likelihood that hatred will result in interpersonal violence. The police do this by acting in ways that create bonds of citizenship. This is achieved by being fair, effective, and open in all their activities. Fairness involves acting in accordance with internationally recognized standards of human rights. Five specific programs for achieving this goal are discussed. Effectiveness means being responsive to the needs of both individuals and groups. Six programs for achieving this objective are reviewed. Finally, openness means being transparent and accountable, and seven programs for implementing this goal are presented.

The Police and Political Change in Comparative Perspective

largely from the point of view of public administration; they tend to be wholly descriptive and to deal largely with matters of formal organization and management. The neglect of the police is not unique to political scientists; the record of other social sciences is hardly better. Even in sociology there has been surprisingly little. Historical monographs on countries rarely refer to the police at all; inspection of indexes of basic histories of most foreign countries will reveal very few references to the police. Unrest in American cities and violence between police and minorities, as well as between police and students, is beginning to convince the scholarly community that the police are crucial social actors. The impetus so far for empirical study has come largely from government, in the form of various national study commissions (Presidents Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Criminal Justice, 1967; National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, 1967; National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence, 1969). The kindling of interest in the police is new; it may be dated from 1965.

Et tu brute: are police agencies managed better or worse than universities?

Police agencies are often criticized for their practices and management. But compared to what? This essay argues that, compared with universities, where so many of their critics work, police score better in practice and management, or at least, they are no worse.