David John Frank

The Structuring of a World Environmental Regime, 1870–1990

In recent decades a great expansion has occurred in world environmental organization, both governmental and nongovernmental, along with an explosion of worldwide discourse and communication about environmental problems. All of this constitutes a world environmental regime. Using the term regime a little more broadly than usual, we define world environmental regime as a partially integrated collection of world-level organizations, understandings, and assumptions that specify the relationship of human society to nature. The rise of an environmental regime has accompanied greatly expanded organization and activity in many sectors of global society. Explaining the growth of the environmental regime, however, poses some problems. The interests and powers of the dominant actors in world society—nation-states and economic interests—came late to the environmental scene. Thus these forces cannot easily be used to explain the rise of world mobilization around the environment, in contrast with other sectors of global society (for example, the international economic and national security regimes).

Worldwide Trends in the Criminal Regulation of Sex, 1945 to 2005

Between 1945 and 2005, nation-states around the world revised their criminal laws on sexual activities. This global reform wave—across countries and domains of sexual activity—followed from the reconstitution of world models of society around individuals rather than corporate bodies. During the post-World War II period, this process rearranged the global cultural and organizational underpinnings of sex, eroding world-level support for criminal laws aimed at protecting collective entities—especially the family and the nation—and strengthening world support for laws aimed at protecting individualized persons. To make our case, we use unique cross-national and longitudinal data on the criminal regulation of rape, adultery, sodomy, and child sexual abuse. The data reveal striking counter-directional trends in sex-law reforms, which simultaneously elaborated regulations protecting individuals and dissolved laws protecting collective entities. World-level negative-binomial regression analyses and country-level event-history analyses confirm our main propositions. The findings demonstrate a sweeping revolution in criminal-sex laws, rooted in the intensified global celebration of free-standing personhood.

The Global Dimensions of Rape-Law Reform: A Cross-National Study of Policy Outcomes

Most studies of rape-law reform outcomes focus on single cases. We advance this literature by studying outcomes more systematically—leveraging new cross-national and longitudinal reform data—and showing that reform outcomes have both global and national determinants. Our exploratory analyses show three main findings: (1) Rape-law reforms are strongly associated with elevated police reporting between 1945 and 2005. (2) The strength of the association depends on domestic contexts. The association is stronger in countries characterized by individualism, womens mobilization, wealth, and education; it is weaker in countries with greater democracy and police strength. (3) The strength of the association also depends on global contexts. It is stronger in countries with dense linkages to world society and weaker under conditions of global institutionalization, as widespread diffusion gives rise to both ceremony without substance (i.e., domestic rape-law reforms without subsequent increases in reporting) and substance without ceremony (increased police reporting without antecedent reforms). In multivariate regression analyses, rape-law reforms, womens mobilization, and links to world society all have positive and significant effects on police reporting. It appears that both global and domestic contexts—together and independently—importantly shape policy and practice.

The Global Expansion of Environmental Education in Universities

Environmental education is on the rise in universities around the world. Conventional explanations emphasize proximate needs and interests rooted in environmental degradation. We propose instead a top-down causal imagery, hinging on the expanded meaning, purpose, and comprehensibility of the human-nature relationship in world society. We test our view in cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses of environmental degree programs in a global sample of universities. Throughout, our explanation proves stronger than the alternative. Universities embrace environmental education as the substance and significance of the human-nature relationship grow in global institutions and as the relationship is increasingly deemed comprehensible within the knowledge framework.

The Knowledge Business: The Commodification of Urban and Housing Research

This is likewise one of the factors by obtaining the soft documents of this the knowledge business the commodification of urban and housing research by online. You might not require more grow old to spend to go to the ebook foundation as with ease as search for them. In some cases, you likewise attain not discover the message the knowledge business the commodification of urban and housing research that you are looking for. It will enormously squander the time.

Time Matters: On Theory and Method.By Andrew Abbott. University of Chicago Press, 2001. 296 pp. Cloth,

new Left,” rather than allowing the numbers or interviews to speak for themselves. Ultimately, I would recommend this book as an excellent description of women and men in postrevolutionary politics. Despite its title, I would not recommend the book as an analysis of gender and democracy. Luciak provides an in-depth analysis of the different political roles men and women occupy in these three countries, but he does not analyze how these gender relations are constituted or provide detail on what impact the partial incorporation of women in politics will have on the lived experience of democracy. Luciak never systematically goes through his information to show how the poor representation of women in postrevolutionary politics is shaped by revolutionary doctrine, societal values, or the women’s movement. He makes tantalizing allusions to all of these, but seems to be reluctant to impose any sort of order or analytical relevance on his informants. For example, Luciak documents the argument that “women have extra work to do,” and argues convincingly that this not-so-subtle discrimination contributed to the unequal gender roles during the revolutionary period, but he does not explore further the relationship between the constitution of gender attitudes in everyday life and the constitution of gender attitudes in political participation. The persuasive influence of international voices on domestic feminisms is also brought up several times, but never pulled apart and analyzed systematically. It is clear that Luciak cannot follow up on every interesting idea presented in the book, but sometimes the dangling ideas get in the way of absorbing the information that is there. The result is a well-informed but largely descriptive analysis of gender roles in formal political life.