David M. Wood

Do Candidates Matter? Constituency-specific Vote Changes for Incumbent MPs, 1983–1987

The assumption that candidates make a difference to electoral outcomes in British general elections is tested through a comparison of the 1983 and 1987 general elections. Incumbents Constituency-specific Vote Change (ICVC) between the June 1983 and June 1987 British general elections is measured by subtracting the average regional vote change for the incumbents party from the constituency vote change registered by the incumbent. Regression analysis finds ICVC to be most significantly influenced in both the Labour and Conservative parties by the incumbents length of tenure, displayed especially in the higher ICVC registered by first-term incumbents than by more senior incumbents. Variables indicating the security or insecurity of the seat in electoral terms are significantly related to ICVC in the Conservative but not in the Labour case. The findings for Labour indicate ICVC to be greater where electoral security is greater. This finding might be explained by successful Conservative party concentration on constituencies in which Labour incumbents appear to be vulnerable.

The Conservative Member of Parliament as Lobbyist for Constituency Economic Interests

Interviews undertaken in the House of Commons with 70 backbench Conservative MPs in 1983–84 examined the extent to which they pursue their own localized industrial policy strategies as part of their efforts to maintain constituency electoral support. This involves lobbying efforts directed toward ministers in support of local industries, either in defence of jobs, in promotion of new jobs, or in a variety of quests for government benefits or relaxation of restrictions. It was found that 36 of the 70 Conservative MPs could be classified as ‘constituency lobbyists’, reflecting interview evidence that they consider lobbying on behalf of local industries to be a normal and important part of their representative rôle as MPs. The hypothesis that vulnerable constituencies—vulnerable in both political and economic terms—would be represented by constituency lobbyists was tested through the construction of an index of constituency ‘security’. It was found that the more secure the constituency, the less likely is the MP to lobby on behalf of local industrial interests.

Intraparty Cleavage in the British House of Commons: Evidence from the 1974-1979 Parliament

Cumulative and proximity scaling models are tested with roll-call data (29 divisions) drawn from the British House of Commons, 1974-1979. The proximity model provides a fit for divisions examined for the Labour Party-including Europe, Devolution and Domestic Left-Right subsets. The cumulative model fits Conservative voting on Devolution and Domestic Left-Right issues, but the proximity model fits Conservative voting on Europe. The evidence supports the hypotheses that cross-issue constraint was greater for Labour than for Conservatives and that discernible party subgroups formed more clearly on the Labour Party left than among Labour moderates. Conservative moderates stood out more clearly than the Conservative right on the Devolution and Left-Right issues, giving some support to the expectation that moderates are more likely to express dissent when the party is in opposition. Support is given to the contention that the Labour Party is a party of factions while the Conservative Party is a party of tendencies.

Role Orientations of Junior British MPs: A Test of Searing's Categories with Emphasis on Constituency Activities

Based on interviews with 45 junior British MPs in 1995, a factor analysis is used to test the staying power of the role categories found by Donald Searing in his study Westminsters World, based on 1972–73 interviews. Searings categories Policy Advocate and Ministerial Aspirant are clearly identified by the factor pattern, as are two sub‐types of his Constituency Member: Welfare Officer and Local Promoter. Two additional factors emerged, indicating orientation of some MPs toward Local Media and Local Party. Regression analysis testing behavioural consequences of the role types (identified as independent variables based on factor scores) produced more mixed results than Searings original tests, including the unexpected finding that MPs who find the Local Party helpful spend more time in their constituencies and in their surgeries with constituents than do Welfare Officers.

Parties, Coalitions, and Cleavages: A Comparison of Two Legislatures in Two French Republics

Parallel Guttman scale analyses of cabinet-formation and cabinet-termination votes in two French legislatures (1932-1936 and 1951-1955) reveal more differences than similarities in coalition patterns. In both legislatures the center served as the anchorpoint for coalitions, but the reliable center was larger and more cohesive in the later legislature. Party cohesion was greater in 1951-1955 than in 1932-1936. These differences suggest that new patterns of French legislative behavior that surfaced only in the Fifth Republic may already have been developing in the Fourth Republic; these patterns are greater party cohesion and greater dependability of parliamentary majorities.