David R. Heise

Problems in Path Analysis and Causal Inference

This paper was prepared while the author was a staff member in the Methodology in Sociology training program at the University of Wisconsin, a project funded by the Institute of General Medical Sciences, N.I.H. The author is grateful to Hubert M. Blalock, Jr., and Otis Dudley Duncan for comments and criticisms of an earlier draft. They are in no way responsible for remaining errors, and the author is solely responsible for the general orientation and tone of the exposition.

Causal Inference from Panel Data

The author is grateful to Arthur S. Goldberger, Otis Dudley Duncan, and George Bohrnstedt for helpful comments concerning earlier papers on this topic. They share no responsibility for inadequacies of this presentation. Work on this project was partially supported by grant OE-5-10-292 from the Office of Education. Computer analyses were supported by funds from the Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation and the National Science Foundation.

Structure of Emotions

Interesting structures emerge in scaling analyses of emotions when stimuli are confined to terms that are relativelyffee of cognitive and behavioral connotations. Study 1focused on 99 such terms, rated on semantic differential scales. It revealed a bimodal distribution of emotions with regard to pleasantness, further distinctions in terms of activation, and a third dimension representing flight-fight. Study 2 obtained dissimilarity ratings for a representative subset of the terms; nonmetric multidimensional scaling replicated the dimensions in Study 1 with a clarijied third dimension. None of the results conform strictly to a circumplex model of emotion. Instead the results suggest that emotions are hedonically polarized feelings. Activation appears to be the main discriminating factor in positive emotions, but activation and a sense of potency combine in discriminating negative emotions. These

Modeling event structures

A framework is developed for computer‐assisted analysis of event sequences like those obtained through sociological field work or historical research. The analytic procedures produce a qualitative model — including a graph displaying logical relations among events — which accounts for the input data. The model can be tested and refined through analysis of additional data.

Affect control theory: Concepts and model

A current statement of affect control theory is provided with attention to the qualitative framework for analyses and the quantitative variables and processes involved in affective dynamics. The theory is discussed with regard to emotions, event likelihoods, labeling and attribution, and deviance and social control. The mathematical model is presented including event‐construction equations derived from event‐reaction equations, and attribution equations derived from equations for amalgamating identities with person modifiers. A brief overview of empirical research concerning the theory concludes the article.

Sociological Realms of Emotional Experience1

The authors examine self‐reported emotional experiences of individuals in a large probability sample of Americans, using two theories in the sociology of emotions as lenses to apprehend social order in emotional processes. Viewing emotions as indicators of individuals’ positions in a three‐dimensional affective space (e.g., Heise, Smith‐Lovin, MacKinnon), the authors find emotional station correlates with a variety of social structural, circumstantial, and individual‐level variables. Viewing emotions as the focus of emotion norms and emotion management efforts (e.g., Hochschild), the authors arrive at new postulates about how transformations of emotions can be achieved in social support groups and other types of social institutions. A further demonstration that emotions reflect multiple sociological realities develops through the examination of sex differences in emotional experience. The authors find that there are concrete though subtle sex differences in the experience, structure, transformation, and contextual significance of emotions. The analyses suggest complementarities between affect control and emotion management that may have been overlooked in other studies.

Self, Identity, and Social Institutions

Cultural Theories of People Identities in Standard English Language and Social Institutions The Cultural Self The Selfs Identities Theories of Identities and Selves Theories of Norms and Institutions Social Reality and Human Subjectivity

Rank-Sum Comparisons between Groups

A common and deceptively simple step in research is making group comparisons in terms of some ordered characteristic such as age, income, occupational prestige, and the like. Ideally these comparisons are best made graphically, with the entire frequency distribution presented for each group. However, summary measures are generally used because it is impractical to present a large number of graphs and because quantitative measures allow the results to be correlated with other attributes of the groups. Thus researchers usually turn to such well-known measures of central tendency as arithmetic means and medians or to such dis-

Event Structure Models from Ethnographic Data

We present a new method of modeling ethnographic descriptions. The method draws on recent anthropological and sociological developments in ethnography and receives its technical foundation from production system models in cognitive science. We display models as graphs to show logical relations among events, and we use models as grammars to generate acceptable sequences of concrete and abstract events. We illustrate the approach in a detailed analysis of approachavoidance play in the peer culture of nursery school children

Emotion Norms in Interpersonal Events

A graphically structured adjective check list was used to assess prescriptive and reactive norms of emotion in 128 social events. Both prescriptive and reactive emotion norms exist for all 128 events. Norms center on a specific emotion in about one-third of the events, and otherwise on a general affective tone. Both prescriptions and reactions occasionally cluster into conflicting norms regarding the expected emotion for an event. Prescriptive norms diverge from reactive norms in almost half of the events, though in only a few events do prescriptions require the opposite of peoples emotional reactions. Feeling no emotion occasionally is the norm ; prescribed nonemotionality occurs fairly often for medical relationships, but not in relationships of other institutions based on rational objectivity. Prescriptive norms are the same for a woman and a man, except that a woman is expected to emote more intensely in some interactions. Reactive norms vary by sex, however, in about one-fifth of the events. On the whole, females are disposed to emote with somewhat more displeasure, arousal, and vulnerability than males.