David Swinney

Lexical access during sentence comprehension: (Re)consideration of context effects

The effects of prior semantic context upon lexical access during sentence comprehension were examined in two experiments. In both studies, subjects comprehended auditorily presented sentences containing lexical ambiguities and simultaneously performed a lexical decision task upon visually presented letter strings. Lexical decisions for visual words related to each of the meanings of the ambiguity were facilitated when these words were presented simultaneous with the end of the ambiguity (Experiment 1). This effect held even when a strong biasing context was present. When presented four syllables following the ambiguity, only lexical decisions for visual words related to the contextually appropriate meaning of the ambiguity were facilitated (Experiment 2). Arguments are made for autonomy of the lexical access process of a model of semantic context effects is offered.

The access and processing of idiomatic expressions

Two experiments examined the nature of access, storage, and comprehension of idiomatic phrases. In both studies a Phrase Classification Task was utilized. In this, reaction times to determine whether or not word strings constituted acceptable English phrases were measured. Classification times were significantly faster to idiom than to matched control phrases. This effect held under conditions involving different categories of idioms, different transitional probabilities among words in the phrases, and different levels of awareness of the presence of idioms in the materials. The data support a Lexical Representation Hypothesis for the processing of idioms.

Accessing lexical ambiguities during sentence comprehension: Effects of frequency of meaning and contextual bias

Two hypotheses concerning the nature of lexical access, the exhaustive access and the terminating ordered search hypotheses, were examined in two separate studies using a crossmodal lexical priming task. In this task, subjects listened to sentences that were biased toward either the primary interpretation (a meaning occurring 75% or more of the time) or a secondary interpretation (a meaning occurring less than 25% of the time) of a lexical ambiguity that occurred in each sentence. Simultaneously, subjects made lexical decisions about visually presented words. Decisions to words related to both the primary and secondary meanings of the ambiguity were facilitated when presented immediately following occurrence of the ambiguity in the sentence. This effect held under each of the two biasing context conditions. However, when they were presented 1.5 sec following occurrence of the ambiguity, only visual words related to the contextually relevant meaning of the ambiguity were facilitated. These results support the exhaustive access hypothesis. It is argued that lexical access is an autonomous subsystem of the sentence comprehension routine in which all meanings of a word are momentarily accessed, regardless of the factors of contextual bias or bias associated with frequency of use.

The Role of Structure in Coreference Assignment During Sentence Comprehension

This paper examines the role of symtactic constraints on the reactivation and assignment of antecedents to explicit and implicit anaphoric elements during sentence comprehension. Evidence from on-line studies examining the time course of coreference processing supports the view that reactivation of potential antecedents is restricted by grammatical constraints when they are available. When structural information cannot serve to constrain antecedent selection, then pragmatic information may play a role, but only at a later point in processing.

An On-Line Analysis of Syntactic Processing in Broca′s and Wernicke′s Aphasia

This paper is about syntactic processing in aphasia. Specifically, we present data concerning the ability of Brocas and Wernickes aphasic patients to link moved constituents and empty elements in real time. We show that Wernickes aphasic patients carry out this syntactic analysis in a normal fashion, but that Brocas aphasic patients do not. We discuss these data in the context of some current grammar-based theories of comprehension limitations in aphasia and in terms of the different functional commitments of the brain regions implicated in Brocas and Wernickes aphasia, respectively.

The effects of focal brain damage on sentence processing: An examination of the neurological organization of a mental module

The effects of prior semantic context upon lexical access during sentence processing were examined for three groups of subjects; nonfluent agrammatic (Brocas) aphasic patients; fluent (Wernickes) aphasic patients; and neurologically intact control patients. Subjects were asked to comprehend auditorily presented, structurally simple sentences containing lexical ambiguities, which were in a context strongly biased toward just one interpretation of that ambiguity. While listening to each sentence, subjects also had to perform a lexical decision task upon a visually presented letter string. For the fluent Wernickes patients, as for the controls, lexical decisions for visual words related to each of the meanings of the ambiguity were facilitated. By contrast, agrammatic Brocas patients showed significant facilitation only for visual words related to the a priori most frequent interpretation of the ambiguity. On the basis of these data, we suggest that normal form-based word retrieval processes are crucially reliant upon the cortical tissue implicated in agrammatism, but that even the focal brain damage yielding agrammatism does not destroy the normally encapsulated form of word access. That is, we propose that in agrammatism, the modularity of word access during sentence comprehension is rendered less efficient but not lost. Additionally, we consider a number of broader issues involved in the use of pathological material to infer characteristics of the neurological organization of cognitive architecture.

Response of anterior temporal cortex to syntactic and prosodic manipulations during sentence processing.

Previous research has implicated a portion of the anterior temporal cortex in sentence‐level processing. This region activates more to sentences than to word‐lists, sentences in an unfamiliar language, and environmental sound sequences. The current study sought to identify the relative contributions of syntactic and prosodic processing to anterior temporal activation. We presented auditory stimuli where the presence of prosodic and syntactic structure was independently manipulated during functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). Three “structural” conditions included normal sentences, sentences with scrambled word order, and lists of content words. These three classes of stimuli were presented either with sentence prosody or with flat supra‐lexical (list‐like) prosody. Sentence stimuli activated a portion of the left anterior temporal cortex in the superior temporal sulcus (STS) and extending into the middle temporal gyrus, independent of prosody, and to a greater extent than any of the other conditions. An interaction between the structural conditions and prosodic conditions was seen in a more dorsal region of the anterior temporal lobe bilaterally along the superior temporal gyrus (STG). A post‐hoc analysis revealed that this region responded either to syntactically structured stimuli or to nonstructured stimuli with sentence‐like prosody. The results suggest a parcellation of anterior temporal cortex into 1) an STG region that is sensitive both to the presence of syntactic information and is modulated by prosodic manipulations (in nonsyntactic stimuli); and 2) a more inferior left STS/MTG region that is more selective for syntactic structure. Hum Brain Mapp, 2005.

Semantic facilitation across sensory modalities in the processing of individual words and sentences.

The effect of semantic priming upon lexical decisions made for words in isolation (Experiment 1) and during sentence comprehension (Experiment 2) was investigated using a cross-modal lexical decision task. In Experiment 1, subjects made lexical decisions to both auditory and visual stimuli. Processing auditorily presented words facilitated subsequent lexical decisions on semantically related visual words. In Experiment 2, subjects comprehended auditorily presented sentences while simultaneously making lexical decisions for visually presented stimuli. Lexical decisions were facilitated when a visual word appeared immediately following a related word in the sentential material. Lexical decisions were also facilitated when the visual word appeared three syllables following closure of the clause containing the related material. Arguments are made for autonomy of semantic priming during sentence comprehension.

Neural correlates of lexicon and grammar: Evidence from the production, reading, and judgment of inflection in aphasia

Are the linguistic forms that are memorized in the mental lexicon and those that are specified by the rules of grammar subserved by distinct neurocognitive systems or by a single computational system with relatively broad anatomic distribution? On a dual-system view, the productive -ed-suffixation of English regular past tense forms (e.g., look-looked) depends upon the mental grammar, whereas irregular forms (e.g., dig-dug) are retrieved from lexical memory. On a single-mechanism view, the computation of both past tense types depends on associative memory. Neurological double dissociations between regulars and irregulars strengthen the dual-system view. The computation of real and novel, regular and irregular past tense forms was investigated in 20 aphasic subjects. Aphasics with non-fluent agrammatic speech and left frontal lesions were consistently more impaired at the production, reading, and judgment of regular than irregular past tenses. Aphasics with fluent speech and word-finding difficulties, and with left temporal/temporo-parietal lesions, showed the opposite pattern. These patterns held even when measures of frequency, phonological complexity, articulatory difficulty, and other factors were held constant. The data support the view that the memorized words of the mental lexicon are subserved by a brain system involving left temporal/temporo-parietal structures, whereas aspects of the mental grammar, in particular the computation of regular morphological forms, are subserved by a distinct system involving left frontal structures.

Coreference Processing and Levels of Analysis in Object-Relative Constructions; Demonstration of Antecedent Reactivation with the Cross-Modal Priming Paradigm

This paper is concerned with two related issues in sentence processing-one methodological and one theoretical. Methodologically, it provides an unconfounded test of the ability of the cross-modal lexical priming task, when used appropriately, to provide detailed evidence about the time-course of antecedent reactivation during sentence processing. Theoretically, it provides a study of the nature of the representation that is examined when a reference-seeking element is linked to its antecedent during the processing of object-relative clause constructions. In these studies, subjects heard sentences which contained a lexical ambiguity placed in a strong biasing context. In one study this ambiguous word was the “moved” or “fronted” object of the verb in an object-relative construction. A cross-modal lexical priming (CMLP) naming task was used to determine whether one or more of the meanings of the ambiguity are activated at three temporally distinct points during the sentence: (1) immediately after the lexical ambiguity (Study 1); (2) a later point that was 700 milliseconds before the offset of the main verb (Study 2); (3) immediately after this main verb (at the gap in this filler-gap construction) (Study 2). The probes in the CMLP task were controlled for potential confounds. The results demonstrate the following: At Test Point 1, all meanings of the ambiguity were activated; at Test Point 2, neither meaning of the ambiguity was (still) activated; at Test Point 3, only a single (context-relevant) meaning of the ambiguity was reactivated. It is concluded that an underlying (deep; non-surface-level) memorial representation of the sentence is examined during the process of linking an antecedent to a structural position requiring a referent, and that the CMLP task provides an unbiased measure of this reactivation. Further, it is concluded that this effect cannot be accounted for under a “compound cue” (Ratcliff & McKoon, 1994) explanation.