David Wright-Neville

Political rage: terrorism and the politics of emotion

Recently there has been a renewed interest in the role of emotion as both a site of political knowledge and as a contributing dynamic in the stability or upheaval of political institutions. While it is widely recognised that emotion is directly implicated in terrorist behaviour, terrorism studies has not critically engaged in this revitalised theorising. As a small step towards addressing this analytical gap we argue that there is a need to see terrorism as a political act grounded in a particular set of human emotions triggered in certain social circumstances. We begin with a brief discussion of the treatment of emotion within terrorism studies before examining how modernity might contribute to an intensification of emotion within political behaviour. We posit that one outcome of this intensification is the adoption of violent forms of political agency by individuals seeking to address real or perceived grievances.

A Missing Peace? The Role of Religious Actors in Countering Terrorism

Despite the surge of scholarly interest in terrorism and counter-terrorism in the post-9/11 world, surprisingly little attention has been paid to the role of religious actors (especially faith communities and faith leaders) in combating the threat of terrorism. However, the resurgence of religiosity in contemporary politics should not be viewed as an inherently dangerous force. As Appleby has argued, a new secular-religious model of inter and intra-state diplomacy looms as a development with significant potential to resolve conflict and deny terrorist groups access to communities of support. By drawing on an Australian example, we argue that in societies that have a strong multicultural and multifaith character secular-religious diplomacy pitched at the national and sub-national level can play an important role in the formation of a flexible long-term counterterrorism strategy.

The politics of Pan Asianism: Culture, capitalism and diplomacy in East Asia

Abstract One of the distinguishing characteristics of international relations in the East Asian region since the end of the Cold War has been the rise of an invigorated form of pan‐Asianism. Embodied in the diplomatic speak of select East Asian leaders this rhetoric has entered scholarly discourse on the region as evidence of growing civilisational divide between East Asia and the North Atlantic. This paper offers a critique of this privileging of the rhetoric of pan‐Asianism by pointing to its constructed character. It argues that because both mainstream international relations theory and Asian Studies rest upon problematic epistemological and ontological assumptions a successful union which would allow for a more nuanced appreciation of the role played by culture in East Asian diplomacy has proved elusive. It concludes by suggesting that a reading of the significance of culture in an Asian diplomatic context which is more politically alert than those offered by mainstream Asian studies or international ...

International Counter-Terrorism Lessons: A Victorian Case Study

It is stating the obvious to point out that policing is as fundamental to preventing and limiting the threat of terrorism as it is with regard to other forms of violence. Following from this it is similarly clear that when communities feel insecure police have historically been given greater powers. However, the lessons from history indicate a need for caution: if it is poorly calibrated to existing social realities policing can inadvertently add to a climate of fear and exaggerate the level of threat by exacerbating tensions and adding to the insecurity of targeted groups. Against this background, in the current climate there is a general concern that insufficiently thought out increases in police powers are contributing to an increase in the threat of terrorist violence around the world. For example, a recent report by the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative entitled ‘Stamping Out Rights: The impact of anti-terrorism laws on policing’ considers the response of a range of commonwealth countries and concludes that: ‘where counter-terrorism policing should be ensuring security of person and state, it often undermines the very institutions it is designed to serve, further spreading public fear and in some countries directly threatening the life and liberty of people it is supposed to protect’ (Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative Report 2007). This chapter considers the ways in which the conventional approaches to counter-terrorism policing can detract from security by fuelling threats. The state of Victoria, where the study took place that informs much of the research of the subsequent chapters in this book, is the second-largest state of Australia in terms of population size and economic wealth. Like the rest of the country, even by Western standards Victoria is a relatively crime-free and harmonious society, which in light of its rich multicultural character renders it something of an anomaly in much of the post-9/11 world. Victoria Police serves a population of more than 5 million, or approximately one quarter of Australia’s population of approximately 20 million. Most Victorians live in the state’s capital city, Melbourne, which, behind Sydney, is the second-largest city in Australia, with a population of 3.3 million. More than 1 million of Victoria’s current population was born overseas. Victoria is recognised as a leader in multiculturalism (Victoria State Govt 2005:14). Victoria Police has a budget of AUS

Counter-terrorism policing : community, cohesion and security

1.4 billion and employs 13,600 people.