Deden Rukmana

Informality, the Commons and the Paradoxes for Planning: Concepts and Debates for Informality and Planning Self-Made Cities: Ordinary Informality? The Reordering of a Romany Neighbourhood The Land Formalisation Process and the Peri-Urban Zone of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania Street Vendors and Planning in Indonesian Cities Informal Urbanism in the USA: New Challenges for Theory and Practice Engaging with Citizenship and Urban Struggle Through an Informality Lens

Land formalisation Formalising landholding through the issue of legal land titles has proved to be a seductive proposition for a number of governments in the global south during the first decade of the 21 century. Much of this thinking, and indeed policy development, has been based on Hernando De Soto’s conceptualisation of dead capital, perhaps most accessibly captured in The Mystery of Capital (De Soto, 2001). The argument has been very persuasive in some influential quarters, and not least in the World Bank, where land titling is seen particularly as having the potential to promote increased private investment within the poor countries of the global south (Keivani, Mattingly and Majedi, 2008).

Faculty Quality at U.S. Graduate Planning Schools A National Research Council-Style Study

Faculty quality assessment methods of the National Research Council study of research doctorate programs are applied to U.S. urban and regional planning graduate programs. Findings suggest that about one-half of planning faculty actively publish and that there is considerable concentration of both publication and citation activity among a relatively small group of scholars and schools. Accredited and nonaccredited schools show substantial differences, as do doctoral degree-granting schools compared with master’s-only schools. The strengths and weaknesses of faculty quality measures used are discussed, leading to a call for other studies using different measures.

The Change and Transformation of Indonesian Spatial Planning after Suharto's New Order Regime: The Case of the Jakarta Metropolitan Area

Abstract The fall of the New Order regime has spurred the process of democratization and marked the transformation of Indonesia from authoritarian rule into a more democratic government. The new system of government also spurred the changes in the spatial planning system of Indonesia. The system of law and procedure which set the ground rules for planning practice in Indonesia during the New Order regime, as stipulated in the Spatial Planning Law 24/1992, reflected the authoritarian rule of the New Order regime. This law was replaced with the Spatial Planning Law 26/2007, a more participatory and accountable spatial planning law enacted in 2007. The paper examines the extent to which the transformation of spatial planning practices has taken place in the Jakarta Metropolitan Area after the fall of the New Order regime.

Contribution to Interface: Self-made cities: ordinary informality?

Land formalisation Formalising landholding through the issue of legal land titles has proved to be a seductive proposition for a number of governments in the global south during the first decade of the 21 century. Much of this thinking, and indeed policy development, has been based on Hernando De Soto’s conceptualisation of dead capital, perhaps most accessibly captured in The Mystery of Capital (De Soto, 2001). The argument has been very persuasive in some influential quarters, and not least in the World Bank, where land titling is seen particularly as having the potential to promote increased private investment within the poor countries of the global south (Keivani, Mattingly and Majedi, 2008).

Gender Differences in the Residential Origins of the Homeless: Identification of Areas with High Risk of Homelessness

Abstract This article offers a gender perspective on homelessness concerning residential origins. Data were obtained through the 2005 homelessness survey in Miami-Dade County, Florida. The residential origins of homeless women are more widespread and less concentrated in the neighborhoods of high poverty than those of homeless men. Areas with lack of low-rent housing units are at greatest risk of generating homeless men and women. The rate of residential origins of homeless men increases with the proportion of Hispanics and African Americans, particularly those living below poverty level. Areas with a high proportion of female-headed households with young children and unemployed females are strongly significant in producing more homeless women. Planners should take into account a geographic and population-targeted strategy in designing homelessness prevention interventions.

A Reply to Graduate Planning School Study Responses

Published responses to the study of faculty quality at U.S. urban and regional planning graduate programs (Stiftel, Rukmana, and Alam 2004) raise issues that deserve clarification and further comment. We begin by correcting misunderstandings about our work, acknowledge where we think the commentators have identified genuine weaknesses, report an error, and then move on to discuss suggestions made for more effective school performance measurement. Several commentators do not accurately describe what we did to compile the publications and citations data reported. Forsyth (2004) suggests that we tabulated book reviews and other minor journal publications, as well as more traditional articles. We did not. Our protocol was to count “ISI-listed articles” only (Stiftel, Rukmana, and Alam 2004, 8). The Institute of Scientific Information (ISI) database distinguishes thirty-three categories of publications in journals, many of them specific to certain artistic endeavors. We counted only those entries categorized as “articles,” excluding book reviews, bibliographies, corrections, editorials, letters, and the remainder of the thirty-three categories. This may omit certain significant scholarly contributions, but it is a more tractable, and we believe more useful, measure than one that mixes the various categories. Fainstein (2004 [this issue]) believes that the thirty-one journals listed in footnote 4 (p. 21) were the only journals searched for publications and citations. This is not the case. We searched the full ISI database of more than 8,700 journals to prepare the counts of publications and citations reported. These include approximately 5,900 journals indexed by the Science Citation Index, 1,700 journals indexed by the Social Science Citation Index, and 1,100 journals indexed by the Arts and Humanities Citation Index. All bibliometric results reported in our study are based on this full database. Rather than listing all journals searched, footnote 4 was an attempt to assess the completeness of the ISI database with respect to coverage of urban planning journals. In the footnote, we constructed a small sample of journals that we believed to be core planning journals and then reported whether these journals are included in the ISI database. The three journals stated by Professor Fainstein as excluded from our searches, the Journal of

Planning the Megacity: Jakarta in the Twentieth Century

In other words, he does not consider the extent to which these urban changes are justified through racialized appeals and target communities of color. He does not, for example, consider how changes in the neoliberal city are linked to increased policing, surveillance, and the rise of a prison industrial complex. Be that as it may, there is much in this study for undergraduate and graduate students, academics, and practitioners.

Upgrading Housing Settlement for the Urban Poor in Indonesia: An Analysis of the Kampung Deret Program

Indonesia’s formal housing policies—self-help housing, public housing, and cross-subsidization—have not adequately addressed housing provision for the urban poor. Most poor residents of Indonesian cities live in spontaneous informal settlements referred to as kampungs. Low-income housing markets in Indonesia are far beyond the reach of kampung residents in Jakarta and other Indonesian cities. After the fall of the New Order regime in May 1998, the Indonesian system of government became more decentralized and transparent. The new Housing and Settlement Areas Law 1/2011 authorized the local governments to provide housing for low-income households and to upgrade slums. The new Fiscal Decentralization Law 32/2014 granted local government a greater role in funding development programs, including housing provision program for low-income residents. The Kampung Deret Program is a result of the implementation of these two new laws. The program is the first housing program initiated and funded by a local government in Indonesia. This chapter reviews the self-help housing policy, the development of public housing, and the cross-subsidization housing policy, and discusses how the Kampung Deret Program differs from these three Indonesian formal housing policies. The research question of this chapter is: “What main ingredients are important and have more impact on upgrading housing settlements for the urban poor in Indonesian cities?” The chapter concludes by discussing some policy implications from the implementation of the Kampung Deret Program.

Book Review: Urban Sustainability: A Global Perspective

makers, one wonders whether India would now be said to act as “the world’s pharmacy” (16). And, in keeping with her examination of local health outcomes in the midst of industry advance, Srinivas notes that several national committees were established during this time period to consider health policy. While no such formal policy was established until later, in 1983, the Bhore Committee, for one, expressed the aspirational goal of having health services accessible by all members of the community regardless of cost, and went so far as to recommend that no pharmaceutical product patents be allowed (56). Ultimately, the trouble alluded to in the chapter title may be “the subversion of public health as a national goal” in favor of building private indigenous firms to support the self sufficiency of the nation (57). Chapter 5 examines the second market environment, from 1970 to 1980, when state control of domestic markets gave way to the need to conform to the strict standards of new market rules. These are characterized as the “three Ws” of the second market environment: first, the US Hatch-Waxman Act, which promoted generic drugs as a cost-saving measure for consumers; second, the World Trade Organization’s (WTO’s) Trade in Intellectual Properties (TRIPS) Agreement, which harmonized intellectual property and patent laws, requiring minimum standards and increasing patent terms; and third, the Word Health Organization (WHO) vaccine procurement, setting a high bar for standards of safety and efficacy. In order to compete in the global marketplace, Indian firms had to respond to global regulatory demands and adapt production processes accordingly, proving that they could harmonize these processes with external standards quickly and effectively. Indian policies established in the first market environment laid the groundwork for strong pharmaceutical manufacturing capacity, with at least some hope of eventually facilitating domestic public health access, but the second market environment was nonetheless marked by a pronounced export focus. The third market environment is explicitly discussed, though less well defined, in chapter 7; only from a table in chapter 2 is the reader able to clearly deduce that this third time period encompasses several distinct benchmarks between 1980 and 2000. The nature of these benchmarks, though, underscores the author’s assertion that this period is characterized by a resurgent role for the state in the face of the complexity of the biopharmaceutical industry. The establishment of a National Biotechnology Board, a Department of Biotechnology under the Ministry of Science and Technology, and a Biotechnology Consortium, create the means for state involvement in identifying areas of focus for biotech and helping encourage biotech competence “in the absence of private venture capital” (60). As with earlier pharmaceutical research, in the face of the push for biotechnological industry advance, some expressed the sentiment, evident in one interview, that “we don’t need tissue engineering or other more sophisticated technologies. We don’t need many high-tech products to copy the U.S. We need basic things here. For example, water purification systems using rDNA technology” (158). Srinivas begins chapter 9, “Markets and Metropolis,” noting that by this last chapter before the conclusion “some readers will no doubt have been looking for one-line answers” to the questions of how “industrializing nations regulate access to medicines produced at home? What market varieties shape this access?” and “What are their implications for urban and regional growth paradigms today?” Her response “that there are no simple answers to these questions” (186) will come as no surprise to readers who have made it to the book’s final sections. Market Menagerie amply illustrates the cross-cutting complexities of health and development in the late industrial state of India, drawing on empirical evidence, and expansive literature from fields including economics, political economy and urban planning. In illustrating the vast variability and endlessly interesting character of the menagerie, the text does not deliver the type of facile takeaway messages readers might crave. What it does accomplish is to urge urban planners and their colleagues to turn their attention to questions that have not yet been satisfactorily addressed using traditional paradigms. Market Managerie strongly argues that planning and regulation play a positive industrial role. No mere hindrance, regulation, the author argues, can guide national and international actors to create “virtuous cycles between health and industrial goals” (133) to address the pervasive problem found “from Bangalore to Boston . . . ” where “ . . . significant pharmaceutical and biotechnological concentrations are situated amid large health and economic inequalities” (27).